Quantcast
Channel: Did You Know?
Viewing all 952 articles
Browse latest View live

Business Expansion & Investment in Asia and Oceania Regions!

$
0
0

Related image

Business Expansion & Investment in Asia and Oceania Regions

As your business grow, it is only natural that you’ll have to expand out of your country of origin. You may do so by setting up an office overseas. At Paul Hype Page & Co , we are a Singapore professional firm that focus on Asia and Oceania regions. We can assist in your business expansion or investment in these areas by providing our professional services from planning to execution and yearly compliance issues. Our Services range from Incorporation, Accounting, Legal, Human Resource and running your daily operation.
  1. Assess your Business Expansion and investment Goals
  2. Prepare a Business Plan outline all steps and align to your goal
  3. Agree on the scope of services we will perform and execute within the deadline
  4. Review the business with the client and perform yearly compliance engagement such as Audit

The Steps & Process
At Paul Hype Page & Co., we help you on every step of your way :
  • Step #1: Understand the requirements of Incorporating a (Country of your choice) eg : Hong Kong Company
  • Step #2: FIll up the Incorporation Form and prepare the necessary document
  • Step #3: Chose service package & scope of services required
  • Step #4: Business Plan Preparation , Attached a sample of business plan we have from entrepass in the past

Setting up Business in Singapore

Paul Hype Page will guide and assist you in registering a company in Singapore.
Pre-Registration about company formation in Singapore
  • Company Name.  The name must be approved before incorporation of the Singapore company can occur.
  • Directors.  A minimum of one resident director (a resident is defined as a Singapore Citizen, a Singaporean Permanent Resident, or a person who has been issued an Entrepass, Employment Pass, or Dependent Pass) is mandatory. There is no limit on the number of additional local or foreign directors a Singapore Company can appoint. Directors must be at least 18 years of age and must not be bankrupt or convicted for any malpractice in the past. There is no requirement for the directors to also be shareholders,  i.e. non-shareholders can be appointed directors.
  • Shareholders.  A Singapore private limited company can have a minimum of 1 and maximum of 50 shareholders. A director and shareholder can be the same or a different person. The shareholder can be a person or another legal entity such as another company or trust. 100% local or foreign shareholding is allowed. New shares can be issued or existing shares can be transferred to another person anytime after the Singapore company has gone through the incorporation process.
  • Company Secretary.  As per Section 171 of the Singapore Companies Act, every company must appoint a qualified company secretary within 6 months of its incorporation. It has to be noted that in case of a sole director/shareholder, the same person cannot act as the company secretary. The company secretary must be a natural person who is ordinarily resident in Singapore.
  • Paid-up Capital.  Minimum paid-up capital for registration of a Singapore company is S$1. Paid-up capital (also known as share capital) can be increased anytime after the incorporation of the company. There is no concept of Authorized Capital for Singapore companies.
  • Registered Address.  In order to register a Singapore company, you must provide a local Singapore address as the registered address of the company. The registered address must be a physical address (can be either a residential or commercial address) and cannot be a P.O. Box.
  • Taxation. Singapore registered companies enjoy very attractive tax exemptions and incentives. Your company pays less than 9% for the first S$300,000 annual profits and 17% flat after that. There are no capital gains or dividend taxes on Singapore companies. Excellent tax benefits and business reputation of Singapore are the key reasons why entrepreneurs from around the world prefer to form a company in Singapore.
Contact us today for a full guide details about company setup requirements, incorporation timeline, and company formation procedures.
Click here if you are ready to setup your company in Singapore today.

 

Setting up Business in Malaysia

Malaysia is one of the strongest economies in South East Asia and shows an annual growth rate of 6.5%. It provides tax benefits and complete ownership of businesses to all foreign directors. Company registration is also fairly easy and inexpensive. Once an entrepreneur or an investor has targeted Malaysia as the ideal country to start a new business, setting up the business itself is the next step:
*Company Secretary in Malaysia is important for registration purposes.
Based on the type of venture, the paid up capital and the work permit application, there are three major types of companies which foreigners can set up in Malaysia:
  • 100% Foreign Owned Company: Such companies are entirely owned and controlled by foreign directors. The business concept should be unique, beneficial to the Malaysia’s economy and employment and has to be approved under the 100% foreign owned structure principle. The minimum paid up capital requirement is RM500000 for advisory and consultancy businesses and RM1 million for import, export, restaurant and trading businesses.
  • Joint Venture with Malaysian Partner: For such companies, a minimum of 50% control over the venture is maintained by the foreign directors. The other half is owned by Malaysian investors and trading partners. A minimum authorized capital of RM500000 and paid up capital of RM350000 is required.
  • Private Company Limited by Shares: Foreigners are only allowed to establish a private company limited by shares. No sole proprietorship or any guarantee limited is allowed. Under the Company Act 1965, such company shall have a minimum of 2 directors and 2 shareholders and the capital structure will be upon the directors’ decision of setting up a fully owned or a jointly owned entity. The suffix “Sendirian Berhad” (Sdn Bhd), which translates to “limited liability” in Malay, shall be added to the name of such companies.
Click here if you are ready to setup your company in Malaysia today.

Malaysia is one of the strongest economies in South East Asia and shows an annual growth rate of 6.5%. It provides tax benefits and complete ownership of businesses to all foreign directors. Company registration is also fairly easy and inexpensive. Once an entrepreneur or an investor has targeted Malaysia as the ideal country to start a new business, setting up the business itself is the next step:
*Company Secretary in Malaysia is important for registration purposes.
Based on the type of venture, the paid up capital and the work permit application, there are three major types of companies which foreigners can set up in Malaysia:
  • 100% Foreign Owned Company: Such companies are entirely owned and controlled by foreign directors. The business concept should be unique, beneficial to the Malaysia’s economy and employment and has to be approved under the 100% foreign owned structure principle. The minimum paid up capital requirement is RM500000 for advisory and consultancy businesses and RM1 million for import, export, restaurant and trading businesses.
  • Joint Venture with Malaysian Partner: For such companies, a minimum of 50% control over the venture is maintained by the foreign directors. The other half is owned by Malaysian investors and trading partners. A minimum authorized capital of RM500000 and paid up capital of RM350000 is required.
  • Private Company Limited by Shares: Foreigners are only allowed to establish a private company limited by shares. No sole proprietorship or any guarantee limited is allowed. Under the Company Act 1965, such company shall have a minimum of 2 directors and 2 shareholders and the capital structure will be upon the directors’ decision of setting up a fully owned or a jointly owned entity. The suffix “Sendirian Berhad” (Sdn Bhd), which translates to “limited liability” in Malay, shall be added to the name of such companies.
Click here if you are ready to setup your company in Malaysia today.

Setting up Business in Myanmar

For 100% foreigners own Company in Myanmar.
Please note that our fee do not include company registration charged by Myanmar authority : Kyats  1,000,000
1) Services Company
  • At least 2 persons to appoint as Director.
  • Passport Copy (in English)
  • Latest personal Bank Book copy.
  • All documents must be translated in English and  endorsed by Myanmar Embassy in Singapore if Singaporean; (for other passport Myanmar Embassy in respective country.
  • To give the Company Name.
  • Paid up capital USD 50,000,- ( can remit   25,000 and again 25,000 after open the Company account )
  • Services charges  USD 3,800 for Company in Corporation  MOA  , Form E( for Capital) ,Form IV (Director List), Form 26 and  Bank account opening .Company registration fees : Kyats  1,000,000.- to the Director General
  • Office of Foreign Investment (you can have with official receipt)

2) Industrial Business Investment , Tourism Business
  • At least 2 persons to appoint as Director.
  • Passport Copy (in English)
  • Latest personal Bank Book copy.
  • All documents must be translated in English and  endorsed by Myanmar Embassy in Singapore if Singaporean; (for other passport Myanmar Embassy in respective country.
  • To give the Company Name.
  • Paid up capital USD 150,000,- ( can remit   75,000 and again 75,000 after open the Company account )
  • Services charges  USD 4500 for Company in Corporation  MOA  , Form E( for Capital) ,Form IV (Director List), Form    26 and  Bank account opening .


*Company registration fees : Kyats  1,000,000.- to the Director General Office of Foreign Investment (you can have with official receipt)

If the Myanmar Company is owned under Main Foreign Company
  • Need Foreign Company Incorporation Certificates, Director List, MOA,
  • Company latest Bank position copy,
  • 2 years Audited report of Company Financial Accounts. copy
  • Passport copy of Directors.

*All the documents must be translated in English and endorsed by Myanmar Embassy in respective country. 

Myanmar Oil and Gas Pipelines to Chinaဍ

$
0
0

Oil and Gas Pipes Lead to China through Myanmar

The pipelines through Myanmar will mark the third leg of major overland import routes, and will be capable of supplying 440,000 barrels of oil a day and 12 billion cubic meters of natural gas a year to China's southern Yunnan province.

The gas will come from a new development off the coast of Myanmar, while the oil will be shipped from the Middle East and Africa on tankers.
Today, the tankers transport the oil through the Strait of Malacca to China's coast. But as early as September, they will sail around the southern tip of India and head north into the Bay of Bengal to Myanmar's coastal town of Kyaukpyu, where the oil will be loaded into the new pipeline. The shortcut will reduce China's reliance on the Strait of Malacca route.
Myanmar's Energy Minister Than Htay said in an interview that natural gas will start flowing in June, followed by oil in September, though the Chinese have said oil may not start before year-end.
Exports of natural gas have been a cause for controversy in Myanmar, as it struggles to meet its own growing energy needs. Mr. Than Htay said that in addition to China's regular payments of land rental and transit fees, Myanmar will be able to draw 40,000 barrels of crude oil a day from the new pipeline.


http://www.oilseedcrops.org/2013/07/16/myanmar-oil-and-gas-pipelines-to-china/

Remarks delivered at UN General Assembly Side Event on "Atrocities Against Rohingya: From Condemnation to Action"

$
0
0


The UNHRC too highlighted on Rohingya issue . They are turning a blind eye on the whole stories in the Rakhine state . Look at the history back who they are ?

Human are human,enthic is ethic different meaning they wanted to be created the 'Rohingya' is a joke.


Myanmar under British colonial rule governed 122 years [1826-1948]record no such ethnic Rohingyas.That's ok another thing is they are staying borderline of Myanmar, India and Banglades,so why India and Bangladesh have not single Rohingyas ethnic ? The name is lies and just created to make Myanmar country into problem. Bangles [Rohingya ]are trying to hijack Rakhine state by inventing fake stories.
The IOC -Arab muslim countries are supporting those Bengalis [ Rohingya ] activists and the illegal Bengalis [Rohingyas] migrant groups by giving money and organising terrorism training for Bengalis [Rohingya ] terrorists in Pakistan And Afghanistan borders .

Afect Bengalis[Rohingya ] are economic refugees and also jihadi terrorists The real victim here is the small indigenous Rakhine ethnic people from Myanmar who remain voiceless and not getting any assistance from Western Countries but who have been clinging to their Buddhist religion for years against the continuous onslaught of Bengalis[Rohingya jihadi terrorists ]

UN, HRW, US, UK, FRANCE, SWEDEN, SENEGAL, KZSTAN, EGYPT & Foreign MEDIA are still firing up the other countries internal affair which was attacked by extremist & terrorist recently in their own countries of europe as well as Rakhine state in Myanmar.


However they are still not viewing the reality of the event and seriously pointed out & blamed to the designated government as it similarly the Iraq & Syria crisis, number of civilians were killed by the attacking said war crime between local arm forces and UN troops. 


The last couple of years ago the UN troop are also involved the rapist cases among those controlled in the affected area in Africa & Asia. 


In view of this past history that UN shall consider them self for their dignity to whom around the globe as to respect UN troop.


Nowadays it’s so sad to hear the wrong news about my country all over the world. 
 
There is one proverb in Myanmar: “Even bracelets, they make sounds when there are together more than one.” But, nowadays people from all over the word are just going too far to be wrong. Almost all people are just trying to focus on one side only. 


Especially Korean news since I am living in south Korea and I watch it every day. Here there are some words I want to transfer to everyone as a Myanmar citizen.


Firstly, there is no Rohingya people in Myanmar or in somewhere else in the history. There are 8 major ethnic groups (up to 135 ethnic groups) in Myanmar through the history. But in this list, there was and there is still no Rohingya. What I want to point is just “they were not our ethnic group since before.” I don’t argue that they are different with us. But I want to make you to be sure is that they were not ‘one of the ethnic groups of us since before!’


Secondly, they lived in Myanmar since long ago but they didn’t have any citizenship or visa to stay in Myanmar since they were living as illegal aliens. They were from Bangladesh. But it’s easy for them to come into Myanmar by crossing frontier rivers by the boats. In the past, there were no quarrels to have to each other between Manmar and Bangladesh people even they came in and living in Myanmar. 


Because they were very few amount of people at that time. But, nowadays their population rise up quite much and they started to ask to Myanmar government to let them stay in Myanmar by giving the name of “Rohingya” as one of the ethnic groups that we had since before in Myanmar! 


I don’t say that we don’t have to give them the citizenship nor also we must give. But I just want you all to think just one more time!


Third, since 11th century, Myanmar(Burma) was a ‘buddhist country’ and it is the buddhist country now. 


Probably in some countries, the “religion” can be a part of the life. But in Myanmar, “religion” so it means “Buddhism” stands as “life.” Buddhism is the lives of the people in Myanmar. So it may be very difficult for Myanmar people too to let the group of people who are very different with us including religion. 


I am not a racist. I am just explaining the real situation of Myanmar(Burmese) people’s feelings that they are having in their mind right now. 


I don’t say we don’t have to accept them because they are different with us. Just, we are also worrying and feeling hard to accept at once the people who are not the same base with us! As you all know, in south east Asia, there were buddhism countries not only Myanmar or Thailand. But some of them has totally changed to another religion countries. 


So, now what Burmese(Myanmar) people feeling is just “FEAR”. We are afraid about our future. We just want to keep the Buddhism as we did since 11th century. That’s why we are refusing still to accept those people from Bangladesh.


Now people are dying in Myanmar. Both Bangladesh and Myanmar Rakhine people are dying. But the World do not investigate the situation from both points of view. The World is trying to see only one side. It’s not good to see or hear that people are dying. 


There are a lot of fake photos spread on internet that was happened in Thailand or in other south east Asia countries or even in Pakistan like it’s happening in Myanmar right now! Those fake media also make the World to have noises more and more. 


Burmese(Myanmar) people are also feeling so sad with that bad news! We are Buddhists and we are human as well! But, the world is regarding the Myanmar and Myanmar people so cruelly! Like we are killing them. We are not killing them. 


We are also being killed by them! Our babies, our old people are dying too. Both Myanmar Rakhine people and Bangladesh people are dying because they are fighting right now! 


But please, please do not focus only on one side. We are also being hurt. We are also crying. But please don’t believe too way wrong that only we are being cruel. 


We need to negotiate. We need to try to understand. It can’t be solved just by blaming us from all over the “World”.


They are from Bangladesh. The Bangladesh government is refusing their people to come back to their country. 


So, I just want to ask only single question to the “World”. Is there only one way to solve this problem is “just to accept them by Myanmar government only?”. 


No other way to solve this problem? 


Just Myanmar must accept them anyhow to end this problem? 


Please... see the both sides! please. We are asking you all to see on our side too.

Ref:Thiha Aung  FB


My question!  I m always against violence but who to blame? 

Lol proof that all the media bullying is backed by Western powers in their attempt to shame Myanmar to grant more access to their country?
 

Western and Arab media to praise the UN, CEDAW crazy to try to draw up and you now why the West Bengali Why spread terror're thought to encourage eating times too much here!

Remarks delivered by Dr. Simon Adams, Executive Director of the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, on 24 October 2017 at UN Headquarters in New York. The side event was cohosted by the Permanent Mission of Bangladesh to the UN and the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect. 


Remarks Delivered at UN General Assembly Side Event on “Atrocities Against Rohingya: From Condemnation to Action”

Remarks delivered by Dr. Simon Adams, Executive Director of the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, on 24 October 2017 at UN Headquarters in New York. The side event was cohosted by the Permanent Mission of Bangladesh to the UN and the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect. 

Excellencies, colleagues, thank you for being here today on a very important and pressing topic - Atrocities against Rohingya: From Condemnation to Action. My name is Simon Adams from the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, and I would like to acknowledge our co-host for this event, the Permanent Mission of Bangladesh. 

The security forces of Myanmar initiated so-called “clearance operations” in Rakhine State on 25 August, after an armed group calling itself the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) attacked a number of police posts and an army base. 

Since that date there have been widespread reports of Myanmar security forces imposing collective punishment upon the entire ethnic Rohingya community in northern Rakhine - including women and children - through unlawful killings, sexual violence, and forced displacement. 

This targeted campaign has included the burning (and near total destruction) of more than 288 Rohingya villages according to satellite imagery analyzed by our colleagues at Human Rights Watch. 

The report released this month by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights found that the attacks carried out by Myanmar security forces were “well-organised, coordinated and systematic” in nature. Their aim was to drive the Rohingya population out of Myanmar and to prevent their return. 

While the current crisis has seized the world’s attention, it has been decades in the making. The Rohingya, a distinct Muslim ethnic minority group in Myanmar, have been systematically marginalized and discriminated against for generations. The 1982 Citizenship Law does not recognize the estimated 1 million Rohingya as one of Myanmar's “national races,” rendering the vast majority of that population stateless. As a result of other discriminatory laws, Rohingya have been subject to severe restrictions on their freedom of movement as well as on access to employment and education, while more than 120,000 Rohingya have lived in squalid displacement camps in Rakhine State since being driven from their homes by inter-communal violence in 2012. 

Overall, the conditions under which Rohingya have lived in Myanmar constitute a form of apartheid in which they have been segregated and marginalized. They are legally disenfranchised and even prohibited from self-identifying on the official census. 

Prior to 25 August the Rohingya were already considered one of the most persecuted minority groups on the planet. Since then many UN officials and entities - including the High Commissioner for Human Rights - have stated that the actions taken by Myanmar authorities during the security operations amount to ethnic cleansing and crimes against .


humanity. The Special Advisors on the Prevention of Genocide and the Responsibility to Protect have also condemned the atrocities. 

At the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect, we believe it is evident that the atrocities committed against the Rohingya population represent a policy of ethnic cleansing and constitute crimes against humanity under international law.
During September the Commander in Chief of Myanmar’s military, General Min Aung Hlaing, described the “Bengali problem” (he refuses to use the word Rohingya) as “unfinished business, despite the efforts of the previous governments to solve it.” This raises the obvious question of what kind of “finished business” does the Myanmar military desire? 

Indeed, we believe that these atrocities - when combined with the decades-long systematic persecution of the Rohingya - pose an existential threat to them as a people and may ultimately prove to be genocidal in intent. While the terms “prevention” and “early-warning” are regularly intoned at the UN, neither the government of Myanmar, nor the international community, has acted on evidence accumulated over many years. 

For our part, the Global Centre has highlighted the threat of atrocities in Myanmar for nine years, and published regular warnings regarding the plight of the Rohingya since 2012. 

The world is now witnessing the world’s fastest-growing refugee crisis – with over 600,000 people fleeing to Bangladesh to escape atrocities. The majority of Myanmar’s Rohingya population has been expelled, with no clear path for return.
And in this context I think we should acknowledge the crucial and generous role played by Bangladesh in hosting these refugees. Yet, while there has been progress in addressing their humanitarian needs (including the donor conference that took place in Geneva yesterday), we are yet to witness meaningful action on the international political front. 

The principle of the Responsibility to Protect was adopted at the UN World Summit in 2005, following the shameful failure of the international community to adequately respond to mass atrocities committed in Rwanda and former Yugoslavia during the 1990s. Silence and inaction in the face of atrocities tainted the reputation and credibility of the UN and the international community. We must not repeat the mistakes of the past. 

The government of Myanmar has a primary Responsibility to Protect all its diverse populations, regardless of ethnicity, religion or citizenship status. Despite the transition to democracy, the current government appears manifestly unwilling to uphold that responsibility. The international community must therefore take appropriate and timely diplomatic action and uphold its responsibilities. 

This meeting will explore various tracks that the international community can pursue, including through the Security Council, General Assembly as well as regional and bilateral action. 

The international community can no longer prevent atrocities from happening, but it can take action to help end them and to hold perpetrators accountable.
  • -  And now it is my honor to invite former Foreign Minister of Bangladesh and Honorable Chairperson of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Dr. Dipu Moni, to speak.
  • -  Thank you Dr. Moni, it is now my pleasure to call on UN Under-Secretary-General and Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, Mr. Adama Dieng.
  • -  Thank you Mr. Dieng. I am now pleased to call on the Permanent Observer of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation H.E. Ambassador Agshin Mehdiyev.

- I would like to thank the panelists and open the floor to Member States and civil society representatives. 

CONCLUSION

Excellencies, colleagues, at the risk of unnecessarily prolonging this gathering, I think the message from today’s meeting is clear – the world must uphold its responsibility to protect the Rohingya people. And I would add, that democracy and prosperity in Myanmar can not be built on the bones of the Rohingya. My own organization joins those who have called for:
  1. The Myanmar Government to immediately end the violence; allow the safe voluntary return of all Rohingya refugees; fully implement the recommendations of the Rakhine Commission Report; cooperate with Human Rights Council mandated fact-finding mission; and hold all perpetrators of atrocities accountable. 

  2. The UN Security Council should impose an arms embargo on Myanmar and targeted sanctions against those senior military officers with command responsibility for atrocities committed in Northern Rakhine. 

  3. All UN Member States should suspend all ties with the Myanmar military until there has been a complete cessation of violence and accountability for atrocities. States should also review all investment and development assistance to Myanmar in light of the current refugee crisis and ongoing atrocities.
Colleagues, friends, I thank our co-host Bangladesh and the panelists, and I thank you for your patience.

Ref:http://www.globalr2p.org/media/files/2017-october-rohingya-side-event-statement-1.pdf

The history of the persecution of Myanmar’s Rohingy!

$
0
0
Some 620,000 Rohingya Muslims, a religious and ethnic minority community in Myanmar, have fled to neighboring Bangladesh since August this year.
The United Nations has called the Rohingya the world’s most persecuted minority group and described the atrocities by Myanmar’s authorities as “ethnic cleansing,” whereby one group removes another ethnic or religious community through violence.
But the persecution of the Rohingya is not new. My research on the Rohingya Muslim experience in Myanmar shows that this pattern of persecution goes back to 1948 – the year when the country achieved independence from their British colonizers.
Here is their brief history.

The legacy of colonialism

The British ruled Myanmar (then Burma) for over a century, beginning with a series of wars in 1824.
Colonial policies encouraged migrant labor in order to increase rice cultivation and profits. Many Rohingya entered Myanmar as part of these policies in the 17th century. According to census records, between 1871 to 1911, the Muslim population tripled.
The British also promised the Rohingya separate land – a “Muslim National Area” – in exchange for support. During the Second World War, for example, the Rohingya sided with the British while Myanmar’s nationalists supported the Japanese. Following the war, the British rewarded the Rohingya with prestigious government posts. However, they were not given an autonomous state.
In 1948, when Myanmar achieved independence from the British, violent conflicts broke out among various segments of its more than one hundred ethnic and racial groups.

Decades-long persecution

After independence, the Rohingya asked for the promised autonomous state, but officials rejected their request. Calling them foreigners, they also denied them citizenship.
These animosities continued to grow. Many in Myanmar saw the Rohingya as having benefited from colonial rule. A nationalist movement and Buddhist religious revival further contributed to the growing hatred.
In 1950, some Rohingya staged a rebellion against the policies of the Myanmar government. They demanded citizenship; they also asked for the state that had been promised them. Ultimately the army crushed the resistance movement.



Much like today’s terrorists, the rebels at the time were called “Mujahid” or engaged in “struggle” or “jihad.” It is important to point out that the international community has never agreed on how to define “terrorism.” The legal definition could vary by country as politics dictates its contours. As scholar Ben Saulsays, officials can use its meaning as a weapon against even valid political rivals. The lack of consensus, as Saul argues, reflects disagreement about what violence is legitimate, when and by whom.
In 1962, just over a decade later, a military coup culminated in a one-party military state where democratic governance was woefully lacking. During the next 60 years of military rule, things worsened for the Rohingya. The authorities saw the minority group as a threat to nationalist identity.
Calling them foreigners, the army killed, tortured and raped. They closed Rohingya social and political organizations. They also transfered private Rohingya businesses to the government, debilitating the group financially. Further, the Rohingya suffered forced labor, arbitrary detention and physical assaults. In 1991 and 1992, more than 250,000 attempted to escape to Bangladesh.

Rohingya ‘statelessness’

In 1977, when the army launched a national drive to register citizens, the Rohingya were considered illegal. More than 200,000 Rohingya fled to Bangladesh at the time because of further atrocities. Authorities pointed to their flight as purported evidence of their illegal status.
The Citizenship Act of Myanmar, enacted in 1982, formally denied the group citizenship rights. This law required that a person’s ancestors belong to a national race or group present in Myanmar prior to British rule in 1823, to become a citizen. The Rohingya were still classified as illegal immigrants allowed in by British colonizers. As Human Rights Watch has noted, however, their presence actually dates back to the 12th century.
Today, the Rohingya are the single largest “stateless” community in the world. Their “statelessness” or lack of citizenship increases their vulnerability because they are not entitled to any legal protection from the government.
Without citizenship, they are deprived of basic rights such as access to health services, education and employment. The illiteracy rate among the Rohingya, for example, is a staggering 80 percent.
Additionally, they have been denied the right to worship freely. They also face restrictions on the right to marry, move freely and own property because of their religious and ethnic identity.
Even though Rohingya population growth has slowed down, anxieties not only persist but are codified in law: Rohingya couples are allowed no more than two children.
Those who break the law risk imprisonment, and the government blacklists their children. Without legal status, they cannot go to school, travel or buy property. The police can also arrest and imprison them.

The current crisis

Despite Myanmar’s recent democratic transition, the persecution persists.
The current humanitarian catastrophe ostensibly began with an assault on police posts by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army, a new insurgency group.
Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh told Human Rights Watch that Myanmar government forces had carried out armed attacks, and burned down their homes. In addition, they beheaded men, raped women and murdered children. Tens of thousands of Rohingya have become internally displaced. Even prior to this crisis, 120,000 displaced Rohingya had been living in internment camps.







A burnt house in Rakhine state of Myanmar, where majority of Rohingya live.Stringer/Reuters
Amnesty International said there were indications that authorities in Myanmar have also placed illegal landmines at locations commonly used by refugees Among those killed were two children. What is more, international humanitarian aid has been blocked, preventing necessities like food, water and medicine from reaching a quarter of a million people.

Aung San Suu Kyi and human rights

The Myanmar Army, meanwhile, denies any wrongdoing. Despite the global outcry, they claim to be conducting “counterterrorism” operations. Due to the severity of the human rights crisis, however, the British government decided to stop its defense engagement and training of the military in Myanmar.
None of this criticism, however, has made Aung San Suu Kyi, Myanmar’s de facto leader and Nobel laureate, acknowledge the plight of the Rohingya. Amid international criticism, she recently canceled her visit to this week’s U.N. General Assembly in New York. In her speech to Myanmar’s parliament, she denied that there had been any “armed clashes or clearance operations” since September 5, this year.
Tragically, her actions signal there will be no end to the persecution of Rohingya anytime soon.







Myanmar’s leader Aung San Suu Kyi addresses the nation on the Rohingya situation.Reuters/Soe Zeya Tun
....... 


UN human rights report for Myanmar!

$
0
0

The boundaries and names shown on this map do not imply official endorsement or acceptance by the United Nations.
 

Myanmar and UN Charter-based Bodies

Myanmar and UN Treaty Bodies

Most recent concluding observations

Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women
Concluding observations (2016) CEDAW/C/MMR/CO/4-5

Committee on the Rights of the Child
Concluding observations (2012) CRC/C/MMR/CO/3-4


>>Full list of documents in the Treaty Body Database
 ocuments on Myanmar
<<<>>>Page 1of 31
BodySessionDateSymbolTitleDocuments
HRC 27th SS 30/11/2017A/HRC/S-27/2 [Lettre datée du 28 novembre 2017, adressée au Président du Conseil des droits de l’homme par le Représentant permanent de l’Arabie saoudite auprès de l’Office des Nations Unies et des autres organisations internationales à Genève] F S R
HRC 27th SS 30/11/2017A/HRC/S-27/1 [Lettre datée du 28 novembre 2017, adressée au Président du Conseil des droits de l’homme par le Représentant permanent du Bangladesh auprès de l’Office des Nations Unies et des autres organisations internationales à Genève] F S C R
HRC 36th 05/10/2017A/HRC/DEC/36/115 Extension of the mandate of the independent international fact-finding mission on Myanmar E F S A C R
HRC 36th 27/09/2017A/HRC/36/L.31/Rev.1 Extension of the mandate of the independent international fact-finding mission on Myanmar E F S A C R
HRC 36th 25/09/2017A/HRC/36/L.31 Extension of the mandate of the independent international fact-finding mission on Myanmar E F S A C R
HRC 36th 20/09/2017A/HRC/36/NGO/160 [Exposé écrit présenté par Agence pour les droits de l'homme. Stop au génocide au Myanmar] F
HRC 36th 14/09/2017A/HRC/36/NGO/67 Written statement submitted by the Asian Legal Resource Centre. MYANMAR: International intervention required to stop ethnic cleansing against Rohingya people E
GA 72nd 08/09/2017A/72/382 Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar E F S A C R
HRC 36th 07/09/2017A/HRC/36/NGO/114 Joint written statement submitted by the International Organization for the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (EAFORD). THE PLIGHT OF ROHINGYA IN MYANMAR IS IGNORED E
HRC 36th 06/09/2017A/HRC/36/NGO/129 Written statement submitted by the Amnesty International. HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL MUST URGE MYANMAR TO COOPERATE FULLY WITH FACT-FINDING MISSION E
HRC 34th 07/04/2017A/HRC/RES/34/22 Situation of human rights in Myanmar E F S A C R
HRC 34th 22/03/2017A/HRC/34/L.8/Rev.1 Situation of human rights in Myanmar E F S A C R
HRC 34th 21/03/2017A/HRC/34/L.8 Situation of human rights in Myanmar E F S A C R
HRC 34th 06/03/2017A/HRC/34/67/Add.1 General Observations of Myanmar on the report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar to the 34th Session of the Human Rights Council E
HRC 34th 01/03/2017A/HRC/34/67 Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar E F S A C R
<next>last>>
 Ref:http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Countries/AsiaRegion/Pages/MMIndex.aspx

 

Brutal attacks on Rohingya meant to make their return almost impossible – UN human rights report

GENEVA (11 October 2017) – Brutal attacks against Rohingya in northern Rakhine State have been well-organised, coordinated and systematic, with the intent of not only driving the population out of Myanmar but preventing them from returning to their homes, a new UN report based on interviews conducted in Bangladesh has found.

The report by a team from the UN Human Rights Office, who met with the newly arrived Rohingya in Cox’s Bazar from 14 to 24 September 2017, states that human rights violations committed against the Rohingya population were carried out by Myanmar security forces often in concert with armed Rakhine Buddhist individuals. The report, released on Wednesday, is based on some 65 interviews with individuals and groups.

It also highlights a strategy to “instil deep and widespread fear and trauma – physical, emotional and psychological” among the Rohingya population.

More than 500,000 Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh since the Myanmar security forces launched an operation in response to alleged attacks by militants on 25 August against 30 police posts and a regimental headquarters. The report states the “clearance operations” started before 25 August 2017, and as early as the beginning of August.

The UN Human Rights Office is gravely concerned for the safety of hundreds of thousands of Rohingya who remain in northern Rakhine State amid reports the violence is still ongoing, and calls on authorities to immediately allow humanitarian and human rights actors unfettered access to the stricken areas.

The report cites testimony from witnesses that security forces scorched dwellings and entire villages, were responsible for extrajudicial and summary executions, rape and other forms of sexual violence, torture and attacks on places of worship. Eyewitnesses reported numerous killings, saying some victims were deliberately targeted and others were killed through explosions, fire and stray bullets.

A 12-year old girl from Rathedaung township described how “the [Myanmar security forces and Rakhine Buddhist individuals] surrounded our house and started to shoot. It was a situation of panic – they shot my sister in front of me, she was only seven years old. She cried and told me to run. I tried to protect her and care for her, but we had no medical assistance on the hillside and she was bleeding so much that after one day she died. I buried her myself.

The report states that in some cases, before and during the attacks, megaphones were used to announce: “You do not belong here – go to Bangladesh. If you do not leave, we will torch your houses and kill you.

Credible information indicates that the Myanmar security forces purposely destroyed the property of the Rohingyas, targeting their houses, fields, food-stocks, crops, livestock and even trees, to render the possibility of the Rohingya returning to normal lives and livelihoods in the future in northern Rakhine almost impossible.

UN Human Rights chief Zeid Ra'ad Al Hussein, who has described the Government operations in northern Rakhine State as “a textbook example of ethnic cleansing,” has also urged the Government to immediately end its “cruel" security operation. By denying the Rohingya population their political, civil, economic and cultural rights, including the right to citizenship, he said, the Government’s actions appear to be “a cynical ploy to forcibly transfer large numbers of people without possibility of return.”

The report indicates that efforts were taken to effectively erase signs of memorable landmarks in the geography of the Rohingya landscape and memory in such a way that a return to their lands would yield nothing but a desolate and unrecognizable terrain.

Information received also indicates that the Myanmar security forces targeted teachers, the cultural and religious leadership, and other people of influence of the Rohingya community in an effort to diminish Rohingya history, culture and knowledge.
ENDS



To read the full report, see: http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/MM/CXBMissionSummaryFindingsOctober2017.pdf



Human Rights by Country


ENACA RegionMENA RegionAFRICA RegionASIA RegionLAC RegionHuman Rights by Country

Member States of the United Nations (and the dates on which
they joined the Organization)

Africa Region
Americas Region
Asia Pacific Region
Europe and Central Asia Region
Middle East and North Africa Region

Non-Member States of the United Nations


Asia Pacific Region
Europe and Central Asia Region
Middle East and North Africa Region

OHCHR in the World: making human rights a reality on the ground

Over the years, the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) has increased its presence in the field, reaching out more and more and giving a voice to the people who need it the most. OHCHR presences away from Headquarters are a strategic entry point for promoting and protecting human rights at the country level; mainstreaming human rights, that is, integrating a human rights perspective into the work of United Nations Country Teams and United Nations peace missions; and helping strengthen national institutions and civil society.
There are a number of ways in which OHCHR field presences assist in efforts to make human rights a reality; not only do they monitor the human rights situation in countries, but they also help build the capacity of Member States and other duty-bearers to address human rights issues. The following are OHCHR's field presences:

14 Country/Stand-alone Offices

OHCHR officers raising awareness on human rights in NepalIn establishing country offices and stand-alone offices, OHCHR negotiates with the host government a full mandate that includes both human rights protection and promotion. At the end of 2016 OHCHR had offices in Bolivia, Cambodia, Colombia, Guatemala, Guinea, Honduras, Mauritania, Mexico, the Occupied Palestinian Territories (stand-alone office), Kosovo (Serbia), Togo, Tunisia, Uganda and Yemen.
Activities by country offices include monitoring, public reporting, provision of technical assistance, and the monitoring and development of long-term national capacities to address human rights issues.

United Nations Peace Missions

UNAMI BuildingOHCHR is the lead United Nations entity for the protection and promotion of human rights, but all UN actors have a role to play in protecting and promoting human rights in their operations. In this respect, OHCHR seeks to integrate human rights in all components of UN peace missions.
In 2014, OHCHR supported nearly 900 international and national human rights officers and support staff in 15 Human Rights Components of UN peace missions in Afghanistan, Burundi, Central African Republic, Côte d'Ivoire, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Guinea-Bissau, Haiti, Iraq, Liberia, Libya, Mali, Kosovo (Serbia), Somalia, South Sudan and Darfur (Sudan).

12 Regional Offices and Centres

By the end of 2014, OHCHR had 12 regional offices/centres covering East Africa (Addis Ababa), Southern Africa (Pretoria), West Africa (Dakar) Central America (Panama City), South America (Santiago de Chile), Europe (Brussels), Central Asia (Bishkek), South East Asia (Bangkok), Pacific (Suva) and the Middle East and North Africa (Beirut). OHCHR also has a Regional Centre for Human Rights and Democracy for Central Africa in Cameroon (Yaoundé) and a Training and Documentation Centre for South West Asia and the Arab Region in Qatar (Doha).
Regional offices have a crucial role to play in promoting and protecting human rights in countries of their region, including by working with regional bodies, such as the African Union.

Human Rights Advisers and National Human Rights Officers

Human Rights Advisers are experts deployed by OHCHR to the field to support UN Country Teams following the request of UN Resident Coordinators. They follow up and analyze the human rights situation in the country in which they serve and advise the UN Resident Coordinator and the UN Country Team as a whole on strategies to build or strengthen nations' capacities and institutions in promoting and protecting human rights. They also engage with national actors (governments and civil society) on how to best promote and implement human rights standards. By the end of 2016, OHCHR had 28 Advisers and National Offices in Bangladesh, Barbados (UN Regional Team for Barbados and Eastern Caribbean Countries), Chad, Dominican Republic, Jamaica, Kenya, Madagascar, Malawi, Maldives, Moldova, Nigeria, Panama (UNDG-LAC), Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Philippines, Russia, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Southern Caucasus (Tbilisi), Sri Lanka, Tajikistan, Tanzania, Timor Leste, Thailand (UNDG Asia-Pacific, Bangkok), Ukraine, and Zambia, as well as two national Advisers in Serbia and FYR of Macedonia.

Rapid Response to Emerging Human Rights Crises

OHCHR's Rapid Response Unit supports the work of OHCHR by swiftly deploying personnel to the field. The Unit manages an internal roster of staff who can be rapidly deployed in human rights and humanitarian emergencies, and can provide surge capacity to OHCHR field offices. At the request of Member States, OHCHR often conducts or supports fact-finding missions and commissions of inquiry that investigate serious allegations of human rights violations and abuses.
The Rapid Response Unit has, in recent times, conducted or coordinated the establishment of fact- finding missions or commissions of inquiry mandated by the Human Rights Council (HRC) on the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Syria (on-going since 2011). The Commission of Inquiry on Central African Republic, mandated by the Secretary General, and the OHCHR Investigations on Sri Lanka, mandated by the HRC are also ongoing. Commissions of Inquiry on Gaza and Eritrea are also being established, as is an OHCHR Mission to Iraq, all mandated by the HRC.
Additionally, the Rapid Response Unit has established a human rights monitoring team based in Lebanon and sent fact-finding teams to Mali, Central African Republic and Ukraine. In response to humanitarian crises OHCHR staff have been deployed to the Philippines, Myanmar and Lebanon.
Africa regionMiddle East and Northern Africa RegionAsia-Pacific regionEurope, North America and Central Asia regionAmericas region

Regional Offices

East Africa
Southern Africa
Middle East
North Africa
Pacific
South-East Asia

Central America
South America

Regional HR Centres

Central AfricaCentre for South-West Asia and the Arab Region


Country Offices

Angola,
Togo,
Uganda
Mauritania
Palestine
(Occupied territories)

Tunisia
Yemen
CambodiaBosnia and Herzegovina (2006)
Serbia (including Kosovo)
Bolivia
Colombia
Guatemala
HondurasMexico

Human Rights Components of Peace Missions

Burundi,
Central African Republic,
Chad,
Cote d'Ivoire,
Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Ethiopia/Eritrea,
Guinea Bissau,
Liberia,
Sierra Leone,
Sudan
Iraq
Libya
Afghanistan GeorgiaHaiti

Human Rights Advisors/National Human Rights Officers

Guinea
Niger
Rwanda

Papua New Guinea
Sri Lanka
Thailand
Kyrgyzstan Republic of Moldova
Russian Federation
Serbia
South Caucasus
The former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
Barbados
Dominican Republic
Jamaica
Paraguay


Ref:http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Countries/Pages/WorkInField.aspx


Beautiful Places Amalfi Coast In Italy

CONSUMER HABITS AND BUSINESS CUSTOMS IN MYANMAR

$
0
0

CONSUMER HABITS AND BUSINESS CUSTOMS IN MYANMAR

In many ways the Myanmar of today is little changed from the Burma that emerged after World War II. Some visitors say traveling to the country is like going back in history. You can still find wind up cars and trucks. Much of the farming is still done by hand and animals without machines. In villages television and even electricity can be a rare sight. Many people favor traditional clothes. But now that Myanmar is reforming finally things are changing—and they are changing very fast, in the words of the World Bank: at “warp speed.” 

In Yangon according to the Washington Post: “electricity functions erratically and abandoned government offices and colonial-era edifices molder and blacken in a peculiar form of urban leprosy. Decades-old cars sputter along with wires poking out and monsoon waters sloshing around below the passenger seats.The junta sharply restricts car imports, which means that a 1988 Toyota Camry can sell for upwards of $20,000, according to local residents. A memory card needed to make a cellphone function costs anywhere from $2,000 to $3,000. [Source: Washington Post, August 16, 2008] 

The currency of Myanmar was demonetized (declared unusable) several times making savings worthless overnight in most cases with little or no compensation. The reason for the practice was to strike at black market traders who withheld large amounts of currency outside the banking system. To this day people in Myanmar have little faith in the currency or banks and choose to keep their savings in gold, jewelry or real estate. At one time banks capped interest rates at 10 percent when inflation was running over 50 percent. 

Myanmar still uses English accounting systems. Things can be slow. People follow rubber time. New consumer purchases are so prized that people show them off by leaving the brand name stickers on them. Household income or consumption by percentage share: lowest 10 percent: 2.8 percent; highest 10 percent: 32.4 percent (1998)

Cost of Living in Myanmar

Takashi Shiraishi wrote in the Yomiuri Shimbun, “Myanmar's per capita income is far below that of Laos and Cambodia in terms of market-based foreign exchange rates to the dollar. However, the quality of people's diets in Myanmar is no different from that in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam as far as consumption of oils and fats, seafood, fruit, eggs and drinks are concerned. The only difference seems to be that people in Myanmar eat a little less meat than Cambodians, Laotians and Vietnamese. [Source: Takashi Shiraishi, Yomiuri Shimbun, February 10, 2008 +] 

“Consumer spending by the upper 20 per cent of Myanmar's households is about four times the comparable amount spent by the lowest 20 per cent. Despite such a big disparity, there is almost no difference between the two groups in terms of the ratio of food expenses, thereby challenging Engel's Law, which states that as income rises, the proportion of income spent on food tends to go down. In other words, the income gap mostly translates into differences in the choice of foods and the fact that the rich are eating better. + 

“These findings reflect the insufficient state of the country's infrastructure, such as electricity, tap water and housing. People are not buying TVs, refrigerators and other household electrical appliances because electricity is supplied to less than 20 per cent of the country's farming villages. In sum, everyone is eating every day even though they are poor, and the rich-poor divide has not resulted in major visible differences in lifestyles. Under such circumstances, a popular uprising may have difficulty catching fire.” + 

Paul Theroux wrote in “The Great Railway Bazaar”:untry where no overt political talk is tolerated, it is a form of political discussion. "See this motorbike?" I was asked (it was a ten-year-old Triumph). "Guess how much?" I named a fair price. The Burman cleared his throat with pleasure, spat, and took me by the wrist. A month before he had paid 4500 kyats (approximately $935) for the battered machine. Then he lifted my wrist and said, "Omega"—a nice eye for watch brands: another Burmese characteristic—"how much?" I told him it wasn't for sale. [Source: Paul Theroux, The Atlantic, November 1, 1971]

Economic Daily Life in Myanmar

In August 2008, the Washington Post reported: “Today, the average household spends up to 70 percent of its budget on food. At tea shops or grocery stalls, people pull out bricks of local bills to pay for basics in an economy that the International Monetary Fund estimates suffered inflation of 40 percent in 2007. Fuel rationing and price controls have insulated the country from much of the recent shocks to the world economy. Nonetheless, black market prices for gasoline and diesel fuel have continued to spiral upward in recent months, residents say. [Source: Washington Post, August 16, 2008] 

Analysts and Burmese residents say unemployment -- and underemployment -- is on the rise. Salaries that were already inadequate have failed to keep pace with inflation. To make up the shortfall, professionals such as government geologists double as taxi drivers, professors sell exam scores, civil servants demand bribes to process paperwork and prison guards run elaborate operations allowing the smuggling of money to inmates, in return for a 20 percent cut, local residents and former detainees said. Teachers sometimes sell lunch to their students. "Can you imagine asking your students for money? I couldn't do it," said a 26-year-old former elementary school teacher who switched to being a tour guide. So many people engage in corruption that the Berlin-based watchdog group Transparency International rated Burma in 2007 as tied with Somalia as the most corrupt country in the world. 

For a long time purchased articles and food were placed in leaves, sometimes wrapped in string, rather than plastic bags or paper, in part because of a shortage of plastic. The effect on the environment was positive as people in Myanmar tend to litter a long and leaves quickly decompose while plastic does not.

Business and Employee Relationships in Myanmar

Friendship, trust and honesty are important in a business relationship in Myanmar as they are everywhere. Favours received, such as introducing a potential client or supplying a reference, must be repaid at a future time. When two Myanmar businessmen meet for the first time chances are that business may not be discussed in depth. Rather, the meeting may be spent evaluating each other’s personality and business strengths and weaknesses. In general it is easier for Asians to deal with Myanmar businesspeople than Westerners. [Source: Myanmar Travel Information ~]
Myanmar employees are hardworking a
nd loyal to their bosses. In return, a boss is expected to be a father figure and give help in times of need. Such help may be the giving advice to sort out personal problems or the granting of a loan in a financial crisis. As in all Asian cultures. Myanmar respect people who are older than them. To avoid friction in the workspace, make sure that a subordinate is not resentful of working under a younger supervisor. Negative communication is usually indirect. If it is necessary to discipline an employee, it is best to do it in private and with tact. Loss of “face” is a serious matter among Myanmar people. ~

Business Meetings, Introductions and Business Attire in Myanmar

Dirk Huds wrote in eHow: “When introduced to people in Myanmar it is considered polite to refer to them by their full title and full name. Myanmar names can be long, but should never be shortened in address. There are many different honorific titles in the Burmese language, but the most commonly used among business associates are “U” which is the equivalent of “Mr.,” and “Daw”, which can be interpreted as “Mrs”, “Ms” or “Madam”. [Source: Dirk Huds, eHow }-{] 

“It is now commonplace for businessmen to greet each other with a handshake. It is, however, considered rude to offer one's hand to a woman. If a business woman offers you her hand first it is acceptable to shake it, but usually all contact will be avoided. A small bow would be the acceptable form of greeting. Business cards are used widely in Myanmar and should be exchanged upon greeting. Always use both hands to present and receive cards as this shows respect, as does taking a few seconds to read the card. Do not immediately place the card in your pocket as this is also considered disrespectful. }-{ 

“Attire should be conservative and formal. Myanmar has a hot, equatorial climate so lightweight suits for men are acceptable, if worn with a tie. Women should wear either a skirt suit or a blouse and skirt. Ensure that the skirt is of a conservative length (below the knee is preferable) and avoid bright colors. Most business people in Myanmar will dress similarly when dealing with foreigners, but some may still wear the traditional sarong-type garment with a western shirt or blouse. }-{ 

“There are certain aspects of body language which, while perhaps not usually an issue in business meetings, it is worth being aware of. Never point at any image of the Buddha, and do not use your feet to point at anyone or anything, this is considered an insult. Indeed, the people of Myanmar consider the upper part of the body more sacred than the lower part, so you should not mix up things that are used for different parts of the body, such as towels or water basins. Never touch anyone on the head or face; this is considered the height of rudeness.” }-{

Myanmar Military and Business

The military has a stake in nearly all the profitable enterprises in Myanmar. For Burmese to get a job they must a good friend or relative "with the rank of sergeant or above." Hundreds of state-owned companies and private firms are controlled by senior military generals. Cross-border business deals must be approved by the military. The generals often take bribes. They have been involved in border casino businesses. 

To do business on a high level you need to make a deal with a general. On the lower level you have pay a 5 percent commission to a uniformed officer. A British firm advised businesses to "align yourself with individual members” of the military regime. A Burmese businessman told National Geographic, " Go day by day. What is true today could be false tomorrow. Do not look forward or back. Accept the risks. Accept the way things are or go crazy. Then you ca make big money." [Source: Joel Swerdlow, National Geographic, July 1995] 

In the 1990s, the generals reduced red tape and made the licensing process easier for local and foreign businesses they favored. They were especially accommodating after sanctions were imposed. One son of a hotel owner told Newsweek, "If they like you, they'll give you so many facilities. If they don't like you, they'll send you to jail.”
See Corruption

Land Tenure and Property in Myanmar

According to Countries and Their Cultures: “In areas under Burmese rule, land traditionally was held on the basis of service to the court and could be leased or sold and passed on to one's heirs; it also could be taken away by the court. In more remote areas, land ownership tended to be related to continual cultivation and occupancy. Under the British, private ownership became widespread in the central areas and a system of land taxation was introduced in which failure to pay property taxes could result in the loss of land. Before World War II, in the southern delta area absentee ownership of productive land was widespread. In the central area, agricultural land tended to be in the hands of small-scale owner-producers. Shortly after independence, the government passed a land nationalization act that was intended to turn land owned by wealthy landlords over to those who worked the land. However, that act was not implemented. A second act passed in 1954 met with only partial success. [Source: Countries and Their Cultures everyculture.com~*~] 

“The revolutionary government that seized power in 1962 nationalized the larger commercial and manufacturing establishments, including those of Indian traders. This created a large black market economy as people attempted to circumvent government control of commerce. The revolutionary government attempted to remove the landlord class and turned all land over to peasant producers while retaining ultimate ownership for itself. In practice, agricultural tenancy was not eliminated, and producers had the added burden of state intervention. After 1988, the government allowed a greater role for the private sector and foreign investment. While these reforms have allowed greater private ownership, considerable insecurity remains among those who own property. ~*~

Commercial Activities and Local Markets in Myanmar

According to Countries and Their Cultures: “Since 1992, the military regimes have emphasized self-sufficiency and tried to limit imports. The largest companies and financial institutions are state-owned, with the private sector limited mainly to small-scale trading. In recent years, however, more imported goods, especially from China, have appeared in local markets and there has been growth in the private sector. The main cities and many smaller towns have one or more central markets that sell a wide variety of domestic and imported goods, including clothing and cloth, tobacco, food, baskets, jewelry, toiletries, and electronic goods. There are also specialized markets, such as the iron bazaar in Rangoon's Chinatown. [Source: Countries and Their Cultures everyculture.com

Describing a a local market in the 2000s, Steven Martin wrote in Time magazine, “Dawn brings a daily tremor of activity to the streets...and the market is its epicenter. Crowds poured in both directions through the market gates, and I followed Myo Aung in his wake as he pushed through the crush of shoppers haggling for merchandise. [Source: Steven Martin, Time magazine, 2002] 

Describing a a local market in the 1920s, George Orwell wrote: “Vast pomelos hanging on strings like green moons, red bananas, baskets of heliotrope-colored prawns the size of lobsters, brittle dried fish tied in bundles, crimson chilis, ducks split open and cured like hams, green coconuts, the larvae of the rhinoceros beetle, sections of sugarcane, dahs, lacquered sandals, check silk longyis, aphrodisiacs in the form of large, soap-like pills ...” [B. D. Chapter 11, par. 10]

Stacks of Banknotes and Changing Money on the Black Market in Myanmar

Before recent exchange rate reforms, the black market value of the kyat could be as high as 160 times the official rate. The official rate in 2002 was about 6 kyats to the U.S. dollar while the black market rate was around 1000 kyat to the dollar. This system fueled inflation. In some cases the situation was so bad that bosses could not pay their employees and businesses could not pay their suppliers. 

Reporting on how all this affected tourists, Brigette and Robert wrote in their blog Brigette and Robert on Tour: “Exchanging foreign currency is only possible on the black market and besides US$ (and increasingly the Euro) you cannot exchange any other currency in Myanmar. If you go to an official bank, you would currently receive ~450 Kyat (the local currency) per 1 US$. On the black market you receive around 820 Kyat per 1 US$. Big difference, huh? And withdrawing money directly in Myanmar is also not possible. There are no ATM machines and credit cards are unheard of. [Source: Brigette and Robert on Tour, Blog }={] 

“The so called “Money Dealers” on the black market only accept certain serial numbers of US$ notes. They are extremely picky! The notes have to be crisp and brand-new – no breaks or folds. Conforming to all of these requirements was a bit challenging… back in Bangkok, we had to find several bank branches, which were able to give us new dollar bills with the correct serial numbers. It was definitely not easy! Once we arrived in Yangon, it took us several hours to find our “right secrecy traders” – we needed honest guys, as the dealers we met on the street corners were simply not trustworthy. They have their special tactics and all of them had one goal: to rip us off!! It was crazy and we could write one full blog about their cheating techniques, but there are more important things to discuss here.” }={ 

“Well, finally we found some shops and we started our money deals. Still, we felt like members of the Mafia!!! We changed smaller amounts of US$ in several different street-side shops. Once we entered the store, we were brought into a shady corner. They offered us three chairs – one for money stacks, one for Robert to sit and count, one for Brigitte to sit and count. (This scene must have been hilarious if we would have it on tape, but obviously this was not possible). The “corner”, in which we sat, was not a real hidden corner. It was still damn visible from pedestrians walking by, because all of these street shops (usually selling water, snacks or magazines) are tiny. By the time we sat down, around 4 to 6 men surrounded us. We negotiated, bargained and finally agreed on the rate. Then the counting and dealing began: Robert on one seat counting the Kyats (hundreds of 1,000 kyat notes for a couple hundred US$), Brigitte on the other seat piling 10,000 kyat stacks, separating them with a rubber band. The shop owner – alias “The Godfather” – sat only a few meters away from us. He constantly pulled out tons of money stacks from black plastic bags and handed them over to us. Of course, the entire gang (all of them were Indo-Myanmari guys) didn’t stop staring at us. They closely watched all our movements or actually, they stared. It was so annoying that we felt like punching them in the face, but after the dealing was over, they grinned over both ears and probably thought: “Ahhh, these meticulous German dudes!” We didn’t care anymore. This was actually fun and we left their “secret corner” with black plastic bags of money in our hands! Gosh, this was surreal almost… and for sure unforgettable! }={

Banking on Gold in Myanmar's Dodgy Economy

Rob Bryan of AFP wrote: “Housewives huddle over jewellery counters in Yangon's bustling Chinatown, but fashion is not foremost on their minds. This is banking in Myanmar's dysfunctional economy. On nearby Shwe Bontha Street, the heart of the gold market since colonial times, Nyan Tun is more than just a trader: he is an unofficial banker in the military-ruled country. "Normally, the major buyers are farmers. They will buy gold with a little bit of extra money to sell before the next harvest," he said. "Second are the housewives, who love to buy jewellery as savings." [Source: Rob Bryan, AFP, September 28, 2010 ]:[] 

“Between 2005 and 2009 the annual inflation rate in Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, averaged 20 percent, according to the Asian Development Bank. "If you want to catch up with inflation, you buy gold. If you save money in the bank you lose money," said Nyan Tun. "People have much more trust in gold as a store of value," added the trader. Nyan Tun said the value of a gold "tical" -- about half a troy ounce -- had increased more than 30-fold in the local currency, the kyat, since his early days as a gold trader in the late 1980s. ]:[ 

“For the average Myanmar citizen, there is still no economic stability, or decent alternative to their trustworthy treasure. "Gold has been the ultimate reserve asset, the ultimate insurance against bad government policy. It goes back to the colonial era -- it's seen as being dependable and independent of the state," Sean Turnell, a specialist in Myanmar's economy at Macquarie University in Sydney, told AFP. ]:[ 

“With the precious metal playing such a key role, the regime keeps a close eye on its trade. Nyan Tun said plain-clothed special branch police lurk on Shwe Bontha Street and pressure traders to stop selling when prices go up. "Maybe the government thinks inflation is due to the price of gold, but actually it's the other way round," he said. "The gold price is the index of inflation to citizens," agreed a business editor in Yangon who did not want to be named. "People don't know how else to judge inflation. The government gives no explanation." ]:[ 

“Myanmar's banking system has never really recovered from a major crisis in 2003, which saw three banks completely collapse and was exacerbated by the policies of the Central Bank, such as recalling loans from borrowers. People have also been hit hard in the past when the authorities scrapped certain currency units as legal tender. A mass uprising against the military in 1988, which was brutally crushed, escalated from protests over a major episode of demonetisation by the regime. "That wiped out the savings of a huge amount of people," said Turnell. "I have never come across a single Burmese person who saves money in the banks."For now gold remains the safest haven in Myanmar -- the reason why a fishmonger will wear her savings around her neck. "Gold: this is the only thing people trust," said the business editor. ]:[

Myanmar Goes Plastic with First Debit Cards

In September 2012, Reuters reported: “Myanmar launched its first debit cards, giving customers the chance to use plastic for shopping, dining and travel for the first time in the latest leap forward for its cash-dominated economy. The central bank announced the formation of the Myanmar Payment Union (MPU), in cooperation with 17 banks, which will let customers take out cash from any ATM machine nationwide and make payments in a small number of shops, restaurants and offices. "Now we still have a cash society, but we're heading towards a cashless one," Ye Min Oo, secretary of the MPU, said at the launch in the commercial capital, Yangon. [Source: Reuters, September 14, 2012 \\\] 

“Debit and credit cards have been available for years in most neighboring countries but the arrival of plastic in Myanmar is a significant step for an economy lumbered with an antiquated banking system after decades of Western sanctions and disastrous fiscal policies under a military regime. Even ATM machines were virtually unheard of in Myanmar in 2011, ago, when cash had to be used for almost every transaction. ATM cards were launched in 2012, but holders were only able to use the machines of their own bank. \\\ 

“Use of the new debit cards will be restricted at first to 14 places in Yangon, including shopping malls, airline offices, computer shops, one hotel and two restaurants. Withdrawals from ATM machines will be limited to 1 million kyat ($1,152) per day, the central bank said. Plans are in place to offer credit cards in coming months after MasterCard Inc reached an agreement with Co-Operative Bank Limited, which has 24 ATMs, to issue the country's first branded cards. Foreign banks are still not allowed to offer banking services in Myanmar. A growing number have opened representative offices. \\\ 

Consumerism and Making Money Come to Myanmar

In March 2013, Aidan Jones of AFP wrote: “From toothpaste to tinned fruit, cosmetics to Coca-Cola, global firms have Myanmar firmly in their sights as the nation's 60 million people find themselves thrust onto the frontline of consumerism. Since the rollback of sanctions on the brutal former junta, big brands have swept into Myanmar determined to have a share of an anticipated boom and transform the nation's impoverished people into brand-savvy global consumers. [Source: Aidan Jones, AFP, March 14, 2013 <<] 

“It is a mutual attraction, with many locals — rich and poor — hankering after the cache and quality of foreign goods, or simply tired of the limited range of local products on sale during the junta-era. "I'm facing a problem that No.7 foundation powder — the best powder I've ever used — is running out and I can't find it anywhere in Yangon," lamented 24-year-old Win Lai Phyu at one of the city's lacklustre shopping malls. Instead the office worker said she relies on friends to deliver the make-up from Bangkok. But in her frustration lies opportunity for brands looking to connect with Myanmar's people — whose disposable incomes are predicted to surge as investment pours in and the reformist government shakes-up the economy. << 

"There's a euphoria on both sides about the opening up," said Freddy Oh, of local firm Foodland Manufacturing, which recently started selling MacCoffee — a Singapore-based brand — on a licence. "The younger set are craving interaction with the outside world. That gives brands a chance to build awareness and market share," said Oh, adding that MacCoffee's 3-in-1 sachets have entered an instant coffee market worth $200 million a year. << 

“Neon-lit billboards now jockey for position above Yangon's bedraggled streets and more are likely to follow as the tastes of Myanmar's people diversify. Soft drinks giants Coca-Cola and Pepsi have already brought their rivalry to Myanmar, officially returning to the nation in-step with the end of sanctions. Mobile phone firms are eyeing entry once the government frees-up licences to the Asian country where an estimated 96 percent of the population do not have handsets.” <<

Trying to Make Money from Myanmar Consumers

Aidan Jones of AFP wrote: “Analysts say other consumer electronics, such as tablet computers and flat screen televisions, will soon be in hot demand among those who can afford them, although many are already imported from China. But the fortunes of cheap, everyday "convenience" items are equally instructive about a market on the move. Del Monte is introducing its canned pineapples, pasta sauces and catsup (ketchup). Toiletries company Lamoiyan is hunting for a partner to distribute "Hapee" toothpaste, while a fellow Filipino firm is offering skin whitening products. "The demand for all kinds of consumer goods is there," said David Webb, of UK Trade & Investment. "Myanmar's manufacturing industry has pretty much been wiped out by sanctions. Foreign companies have money and access to expertise, markets and knowledge of supply chains... it gives them an advantage." [Source: Aidan Jones, AFP, March 14, 2013 <<]
"Wealth doesn't spread to everyone but there is a lot of money... certainly in Yangon," said Damien Duhamel, of Singapore-based marketing consultancy Solidiance. Some firms are seeking to reap the benefits of early entry to an untouched market, such as making a quick impression on consumers in a bid to win longer term market share. But rushing in is laden with risk, according to Duhamel who says many companies who ploughed first into China and Vietnam had their fingers burnt by local conditions. <<
"A lot of cowboys will come to town hoping for a quick buck and 'pioneer advantage'," Duhamel said, adding regional firms from Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore and Thailand are likely to lead a risk-taking vanguard. "But that fades quickly and the MNCs (multinational corporations) will enter in a second or third wave once consumers have been educated. They won't take part in a feeding frenzy, but will look to steadily build market share." <<
“The risks are myriad: Myanmar's banks are in their infancy, infrastructure is threadbare and the population -- while English-speaking and willing -- lacks skills, such as basic computer literacy, to staff some operations. Meanwhile, foreign investors in many cases need a local partner in a country where detailed market information is non-existent and the legal system opaque. Despite the obstacles, Oh is adamant that Myanmar presents a unique opportunity in a crowded and competitive world -- provided companies have a long-term view. "Nobody has a crystal ball but people always need to eat, drink and brush their teeth," he said. <<
Image Sources:
Text Sources: New York Times, Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Times of London, Lonely Planet Guides, The Irrawaddy, Myanmar Travel Information Compton’s Encyclopedia, The Guardian, National Geographic, Smithsonian magazine, The New Yorker, Time, Newsweek, Reuters, AP, AFP, Wall Street Journal, The Atlantic Monthly, The Economist, Global Viewpoint (Christian Science Monitor), Foreign Policy, burmalibrary.org, burmanet.org, Wikipedia, BBC, CNN, NBC News, Fox News and various books and other publications. 

© 2008 Jeffrey Hays~Last updated May 2014 

Ref:http://factsanddetails.com/southeast-asia/Myanmar/sub5_5g/entry-3125.html

MYANMAR CAD (Behaves Badly Habit)

$
0
0

Who dare inverst in Myanmar?

Did you know that?


MYANMAR CAD (Behaves Badly Habit)


 
Should be mostly changes around Burmese are behaves badly habit and not with the people in the neighbouring compare here!

The moral and conduct skills can not compete with the vast majority did not know when the construction of the current labor wages did what and why entrepreneurs like me.


Google Translate....

I do notreallymind.Businessprocess,aviewof aJapanesein Myanmar.

Yesterday friends around the country import and export company, Japan opened schools at met him.

I asking to him, he view on the my country and Burmese option. Whip fact, many Burmese are easy to believe, The right hand, forgiving ways.

If the complicated foreign guests were even more forgiving, They act Impressive, They too, Honest attitude .This is a good spot ! There , the plot good job working at the difficulties we are facing.

Burma's degree, but we've had no job skills here!

Employment experts say you should not make yourself known, you can arrange the work yourself Schools, not to you, You can do common joint teams formed, All the fun event, and have almost nothing to do honest work Do not collaborate with each other in the workplace, Under the above problems forced me just see what I thought, above, below, would often find time, He said, seen so many quit 100 b y 80% work in the workplace.
The country graduates is very high too, And then nothing, Save yourself makers, Any kind of speak time.

His school teacher, albeit on teachers' salary is no longer responsible for their days work, You can not easily tell. Saying that the value of the work is not easy to quit too.

Making an easy task inning, they were surprised, The job's quite a long-term space by resetting Money alone is not quit shitty business, The work is much appreciated.

Personal work in the workplace, Lovers and the phone says, Unnecessarily long friends and say, Works as nonsensical words at each other, I do not know a shame.

If this job, He was very surprised, Even after business hours on business as well as work-related,   but less obvious, a report, Know from work, friends, girlfriend Even through other work, a job, and does not cover Very Important benheywood.

Cleaning graduate work I can not work any tent said. Schools do cleaning, Tents to clean the place yourself, did not you think His comment I was the man behind the toilet to keep clean, do not make sense Managers are cleaning toilets in Japan, I turned to the use, Reserved for big cleaning jobs.

He went just tell us where you Buddhist public, If you remove the thorns trash button You just had to be justified in a ...

*** Another salary ***

My work situation and want more than they should be. How to do the job, They would also mastered the work-week, This job is better earning salary and try to make the first priority minds. The other is to pay a little more to hear their work and skill than a week could kill. At a sooner than wages in China, is not nobody here.

The teacher then go to see want to ride too. Craft ride boss told the teacher can work if selected wrong Annoyed with no land to be used for the work the next day, I, Did the end of 5 days, four times for a tent The teacher, a school that fits inside Why, why do not mind studying the investigation. About 30 employees work Xi, Difficulties found in about 4 years since he lost.

It's good to stay in Japan than in the country, The era of the law are unable to follow the defined open control very happy.

If you work are difficult to sustain, Working Burmese people appreciate the work I'm attached to the job duties and salary, but always see attached Beam It is not only to salaries, work The experts at work, Senior became a happy note.

Author: lu bo
Zin Lin Maungbeencopiedfromaninventor andentrepreneurposted FB

Marketing and Strategic Marketing (3.0), modern market (Video)

$
0
0

Today ... Marketing forms of market penetration ...



Today ... Marketing forms of market penetration ...

- Personal Marketing success has been attained and to penetrate the market ...- Organization Marketing organizations to penetrate the market and being connected ...- Social Media Marketing and online media to penetrate the market ...

 - Case Marketing current interests, and to penetrate the market ...- Place Marketing Exhibitions places where many people to penetrate the market and ...- Relationship Marketing investment, connectivity and market attackMarketing Ways methods have been presented.

Marketing (1.0) - 19th century, Industrial, Priority of the steel market and developer products as intended.Marketing (2.0) - 20th century, Hybrid products that era, the advent of current Without prioritizing customer service market boosted intended.Marketing (3.0) - 21 century, The advent of technology, new era Contemporary processes of prioritizing customer value market boosted intended.Marketing (1.0) (2.0) (3.0) discussed ways to penetrate different markets.


In line with contemporary aspects Customization customer-based new modern look ...4-P = 4-C-4-P on the part of manufacturers and customers who buy from the 4-C is considered ...Product = Customer Satisfy (product, customer satisfaction)Price = Customer Cost (price, customers can set limits)Place = Customer Convenience (ability to place customer convenience)Promotion = Customer Communication (higher sales due to customers in the know)Think he can buy a color-discussed market-making patterns.


Marketing Principle ...Specialization advantage with something special ...Differentiation common with a different shape to create differences ...Segmentation is required to analyze the customer service ...Concentration market concentration by the change in accordance with the era and making progress ...Differentiation is Better & Faster common'm different points to create a better and faster growth ...Crate & Generate the market to improve and expand new markets and create business advisory reports.


We now have a number of market-making opportunities in the future,Current Market With the current marketTarget Market-oriented market that can be a starting pointAvailable Market to expand the marketPotential Market need to evaluate the potential marketFuture Market Future markets are considered to implement the improved market Marketing Advisory Council.


You need to know someone is speaking presentation is currently available.- Business Plan (economic planning discourses)- HR Management (Personnel Management discourses)Facebook Marketing (Facebook how to penetrate the market of talks)If you want to continue to study http://esmemm.com/elearning page.


Knowledge in the 21st century era - Encourage leadership to create a new opportunity ...


All the major cities in the country (more than 25) training ...


Myanmar Entrepreneur SME Institute (MESI) Training(Yangon, Mandalay, Magway, Taunggyi, Bago, baby, Myitkyina)www.EntrepreneurSME.com (free online business magazine

Strategic Marketing (3.0), modern market (Video)

Strategic Marketing (3.0), modern market (Video)-------------------------------------------------- ------------------Modern marketing methods and Marketing (1.0) (2.0) (3.0)Today became a new form of Marketing 3.0The rapid rise of technology era Collaborate using a combination of laughterEconomic progress to understand the culture of the Cultural EconomySocial Beijing Growth and Spiral around everyone's focus is to create value gain.Marketing (1.0) - 19th century, In the advent of industrial products, Getting to implement market based on product sales.Marketing (2.0) - 20th century, Hybrid products that era, the advent of current Prioritizing the customer service market, frankly.Marketing (3.0) - 21 century, The advent of technology, new era Contemporary market was also the customer to create value CSV and frankly.Steve Jobs said >> The best way to create value in the 21st Century is to connect Creativity with Technology. (Invented in the 21st century, the best way to create value in its technology and is connected to the contact)Today, considering the past and different marketing techniques have come ...- Personal Marketing Success sharply Popularity penetrate the market and ...- Organization Marketing organizations to penetrate the market, connect and communicate ...- Social Media Marketing formed to penetrate the online market today ...- Case Marketing penetrate the national market, along with the people interested in the conditions ...- Place Marketing connects public contact positions to penetrate the market ...- Event Marketing festive ceremonies, and to penetrate the enterprise market has been introducedCombining different techniques in today's contemporary Market Leadership meeting recommended in order to create a market leading software. Business has only two functions - Marketing and Innovation (the economy, (2) Tremendous innovation and market penetration) Peter Drucker said.3.0 I want to present a major marketing .....You need to have to use modern technology appears.CSR / CSV, require more value to clients.B2C B2B market integration in the form of connection is needed.Great market, according to the advice of Philip KotlerGood Companies will meet Need helps better fulfill the needs of companiesGrate Companies will create Market sacred lets companies create a market starEverything Everything is Marketing - market-making, The More you Give. . . The More you Get more worried about ... the more you receive. If you want the "Best" do the Best Hope for the best best advised to try glass တိီး speaking ...RegardsZin Phyo owned (MESI Institute)------------------------------------Marketing, HR, Entrepreneurship and Management discourses of MESI Page https://www.facebook.com/pg/EntrepreneurSME/videos/?ref=page_internal (see page)MESI Yangon-Mandalay-up mountains and institutions are encouraged ရောက်နေကြတဲ့ EDBM diploma (Batch 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9) sub-grade and the country thanks to all customer groups - an online study argued deeply grateful to all knowledge.Improve the shape to create a new opportunity to buy >> Thanks for your Time (please)See Less

Right Here Waiting~ Roise

$
0
0
Right Here Waiting
Oceans apart day after day
And I slowly go insane
I hear your voice on the line
But it doesn't stop the pain
If I see you next to never
How can we say forever
Wherever you go
Whatever you do
I will be right here waiting for you
Whatever it takes
Or how my heart breaks
I will be right here waiting for you
I took for granted, all the times
That I thought would last somehow
I hear the laughter, I taste the tears
But I can't get near you now
Oh, can't you see it baby
You've got me going crazy
Wherever you go
Whatever you do
I will be right here waiting for you
Whatever it takes
Or how my heart breaks
I will be right here waiting for you
I wonder how we can survive
This romance
But in the end if I'm with you
I'll take the chance
Oh, can't you see it baby
You've got me going crazy
Wherever you go
Whatever you do
I will be right here waiting for you
Whatever it takes
Or how my heart breaks
I will be right here waiting for you
Waiting for you
Songwriters: Richard Marx
Right Here Waiting lyrics © BMG Rights Management US, LLC

2010-2015: A snapshot of Burma

$
0
0

2010-2015: A snapshot of Burma

(IMAGE: MYANMAR NOW)(IMAGE: MYANMAR NOW)

In 2010, Burma held the first general elections since 1990, when Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) gained a landslide victory – that was ignored by the military.
The 2010 polls, which took place when the country was under military rule and international trade sanctions, were considered rigged and gave the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) of ex-army officers a parliamentary majority.
President Thein Sein was elected to office and initiated a carefully planned, military-led democratic transition that is supposed culminate in elections on 8 November, a vote that is billed as the first openly contested polls in 25 years.
Below are some of the key events of the five-year transition that preceded the upcoming election.
7 November, 2010 – Burma’s first elections since 1990 are held and broadly criticised as rigged in favour of the USDP. The NLD and major ethnic parties boycott the polls. The USDP and its ally, the National Unity Party, comprising former members of Ne Win’s Burma Socialist Programme Party, win 76.5 percent and 5.5 percent of the seats, respectively.
Two parties that splintered from the NLD and a Shan ethnic party win several seats in national and regional parliaments.
13 November, 2010  Aung San Suu Kyi, Nobel Peace laureate and NLD leader, is released from house arrest.
30 March, 2011  Former general Thein Sein takes office as president of the country’s first civilian government in nearly 50 years.
9 June, 2011  Conflict breaks out between government forces and the Kachin Independence Army in northern Burma near the Chinese-backed Ta-pein hydropower dam project. Tens of thousands of people are displaced.
18 August, 2011  Thein Sein formally launches a nationwide ceasefire process with an announcement inviting ethnic armed groups for talks.
19 August, 2011 – Thein Sein and Aung San Suu Kyi meet for the first time in Naypyitaw. Suu Kyi later makes positive comments about the president’s intentions.
30 September, 2011 – Thein Sein suspends the controversial Myitsone dam project for the duration of his government. The Chinese-backed project had been widely opposed among the Kachin and wider public.
30 November, 2011 – Hillary Clinton becomes the first US secretary of state to visit Burma since 1955. She meets both Thein Sein and Aung San Suu Kyi in the first sign of the country’s re-engagement with the West after almost half a century of sanctions and isolation.
13 January, 2012 – The government releases key political prisoners, including the 88 Generation student leaders that led the 1988 uprising. Journalists and ethnic leaders are also among the released.
1 April, 2012 – The NLD wins in 43 out of 44 constituencies it contests, including the capital Naypyitaw, in by-elections. Suu Kyi becomes a member of parliament.
13 April, 2012 – A parade of dignitaries continues to visit Burma, including British Prime Minister David Cameron, who calls for economic sanctions to be lifted.
8 June, 2012 – A bout of inter-communal violence erupts in northern Arakan State as Buddhist Arakanese clash with stateless Rohingya Muslims.
20 August, 2012 – The Ministry of Information ends pre-publication censorship, lifting decades-old, draconian media restrictions.
21 October, 2012 – Sectarian violence spreads and thousands flee their homes in Arakan; some 140,000 people remain displaced to this day, a majority of them Rohingya. The Muslim population begins an exodus by sea.
19 November, 2012 – Barack Obama visits Burma, becoming the first sitting American president to visit the country.
20 March, 2013 – A dispute between a Buddhist customer and a Muslim owner of a gold shop in Meikhtila triggers inter-communal violence that rages for four days, killing at least 43 people.
30 May, 2013 – The government and Kachin rebels hold a meeting and a large-scale fighting subsides, but no ceasefire is reached.
22 April, 2013 – The European Union lifts all remaining sanctions against Burma, except those on arms sales. The United States suspended its sanctions a few months earlier, retaining a blacklist for businessmen with ties to the former junta.
21 June, 2013 – The Patriotic Association of Myanmar, better known by its Burmese acronym Ma-Ba-Tha, is formed at a conference of nationalist Buddhist monks. It calls for new laws to protect “race and religion.”
2 July, 2014 – Buddhist-Muslim riots occur in Mandalay that leave two dead, after prominent monk Wirathu spreads rumours on Facebook that a Muslim had raped a Buddhism woman.
9 February, 2015 – Fighting erupts in the KokangRegion in northern Shan State after Kokang rebels attack bases of government forces. The clashes displace tens of thousands, mostly ethnic Chinese Kokang.
19 May, 2015 – Thein Sein signs the first of four controversial “race and religious protection” bills proposed by Ma-Ba-Tha. The president will later endorse all bills, meeting little resistance in the USDP-dominated parliament.
25 June, 2015 – Army officers and USDP MPs block a vote to change a key clause of the constitution, ending a parliamentary effort to amend the army’s veto over constitutional change.
3 July, 2015 – A senior official from Thein Sein’s office tells Reuters he will not run in the parliamentary elections, citing health concerns, but says he could still be nominated by parliament for a second term as president.
8 July, 2015 – The Union Election Commission announces general elections will take place on Sunday 8 November. Later, 93 political parties and 6,074 candidates will register to contest the elections.
12 August, 2015 – Parliamentary Speaker Shwe Mann is removed as ruling party chief in an internal USDP purge.
8 September, 2015 – Campaigning for the general election starts.
20 September, 2015 – Error-riddled voter lists are displayed for a second time during a second and final round in which voters can correct their registration for the polls.
13 October, 2015 – The Union Election Commission floats, and then retracts, the idea of postponing the elections because of a flood disasters in June and July.
15 October, 2015 – The Karen National Union, the Democratic Benevolent Karen Army and the Shan State Army-South, along with four minor ethnic rebel groups sign a ceasefire agreement with the government. However, the accord excludes other powerful rebel groups such as the Kachin Independence Army and the United Wa State Army.

Ethnic parties in Myanmar elections!

$
0
0

FACTBOX: Ethnic parties in Myanmar elections

 

Ethnic parties in Myanmar elections (Infographic: Myanmar Now, Prachatai) See large image here
 
Logos of ethnic parties taking part in the Nov. 8 elections.
 

YANGON - Myanmar is an ethnically diverse country, with an estimated 30 to 40 percent of the country’s 51 million population made up of ethnic minorities. They mainly live in the resource-rich borderlands and hill areas, some of which have been struggling with armed conflicts going back decades, but there are also significant ethnic minority populations in lowland areas.
 
Here are some facts about the ethnic parties taking part in Myanmar’s upcoming elections.
 
 
THE 2015 ELECTIONS
 
  • Of the 91 political parties registered to take part in the elections, nearly two-thirds (59 parties) represent ethnic or religious minorities
  • These include parties from seven major ethnic groups that have their own states (Kachin, Karenni, Karen, Chin, Mon, Rakhine, Shan) as well as smaller sub-minorities.
  • Most major ethnic groups are represented by at least two parties or more.
  • Given the first-past-the-post electoral system, only a small proportion of the parties that contest are likely to win any seats, according to an analysis of ethnic politics by the Transnational Institute (TNI).
  • Only 21 of the 36 parties standing in the 2010 elections did so but observers predict that the proportion is likely to be smaller this time given the greater number of parties registered, including a large number of small parties and the hugely popular National League for Democracy.
  • Despite fears of vote splitting, there has been only one successful merger between ethnic parties. The Rakhine Nationalities Development party which ran in 2010 and the Arakan League for Democracy which contested the 1990 vote merged in March 2014 to form the Arakan National Party.
  • There seemed to have been a shift away from 2010 parties in favour of 1990 parties due to perception that the former were co-opted in the 2010 polls, the International Crisis Group said. The 2010 elections were widely criticised as rigged.
  • The Union Election Commission has cancelled voting in some 600 conflict-affected villages nationwide. These include seven townships or constituencies in Shan State as well as village tracts in Shan State, Kachin State, Karen State, Bago Region and Mon State. In 2010, voting was cancelled in 478 village tract
  • Observers and rights groups have also expressed concerns over the disenfranchisement of hundreds of thousands of voters shut out from voting due to the cancellation of Temporary Registration Certificates, which are commonly known as white cards, in March 2015.
 
The majority of white card holders are stateless Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State but there are also many thousands of Kokang, Wa and other minorities of mostly Chinese or Indian descent in other parts of the country who held this form of identification
 
 
THE 1990 ELECTIONS.
  • Of the 99 parties that contested in the 1990 elections, half were ethnic nationality parties.
  • They won a total of 71 seats (15 percent), representing nearly all of the seats that were not taken by the National League for Democracy (392 seats or 81 percent). In contrast, the National Unity Party (NUP), the successor to the previous ruling party - General Ne Win’s Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP) - only won 10 seats.
  • The Shan Nationalities League for Democracy (SNLD) won 23 seats and became the largest electoral winner after the NLD. However, the results of the election were ignored by the ruling military junta.
 
THE 2010 ELECTIONS
  • In the 2010 polls, 37 parties competed, of which 60 percent were ethnic-based parties.
  • Of the 21 parties that won seats, 16 were ethnic nationality parties. They won 180 seats (16 per cent of the total).
  • The Shan Nationalities Democratic Party (SNDP) became the third-largest party (after the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party and NUP).
  • The Rakhine Nationalities Development Party (RNDP) secured the largest block of seats in the Rakhine State legislature, ahead of the USDP.
  • The main exceptions in electoral representation were the Kachin, who were systematically excluded through non-registration of their key parties, and the Karenni, whose main party failed to complete the registration process, allegedly under duress.
  • Due to the presence of significant ethnic minority populations in some regions, the 2008 constitution created 35 more representatives - 29 from national race representatives and six from newly self-administered areas.
 
The Self-Administered Areas include five “Self-Administered Zones” (SAZs) for the Naga in the Sagaing Region, and Danu, Kokang, Ta-ang (Palaung) and Pa'O, as well as a larger “Self-Administered Division” (SAD) for the Wa, in Shan State.
 
(Source:- Trans National Institute; International Crisis Group; Euro-Burma Office; Union Election Commission; The Myanmar Times)
 

R2PCS Commentary on the Crisis in Burma !

$
0
0

R2PCS Commentary on the Crisis in Burma 

Friday, 09 May 2008 08:57 



In response to French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner's remarks earlier in the week, we have been reflecting on how the Responsibility to Protect relates to the current situation in Burma. We had drafted the response below, but we are eager to engage in further discussions to hear additional supporting or dissenting views. Please be in touch with any comments.

Many thanks,

R2PCS Project


The Responsibility to Protect and Its Application to the Situation in Burma

The R2PCS program has been following the situation in Burma as it relates to the Responsibility to Protect for the past year. The government of Burma's systematic commission of violations such as forced labor, forced displacement, rape of ethnic minority women and recruitment of child soldiers are a few of the many crimes that fit within the four crimes stipulated under the Responsibility to Protect: genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing (for more on this, please see http://www.responsibilitytoprotect.org/index.php/pages/1182). This week, following Cyclone Nargis on 3 May and the resulting humanitarian emergency, French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner called for the use of the Responsibility to Protect. We believe, however, that the current humanitarian situation requires, first and foremost, attention to measures that can help the millions of people affected. Further, the current situation does not warrant the application of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine and in all likelihood application could be counterproductive to alleviating the suffering of those affected by the cyclone.

On Tuesday May 7, 2008, Kouchner said, "We are seeing at the United Nations whether we can implement the Responsibility to Protect, given that food, boats and relief teams are there, and obtain a United Nations' resolution which authorizes the delivery (of aid) and imposes this on the Burmese government." His comment has aroused concern both because it does not adhere to what governments agreed at the 2005 World Summit and because it equates the responsibility to forceful military intervention. We do not advocate using the Responsibility to Protect at the current time with respect to the humanitarian disaster following Cyclone Nargis, for two reasons.

First, we take this view because of the difficulty of establishing that the regime's actions before and after Cyclone Nargis constitute one of the four crimes to which R2P is meant to apply: genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing.

Under Paragraphs 138 and 139 of the World Summit Outcome Document from 2005, governments and world leaders agreed that they have a responsibility to protect civilians from genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and ethnic cleansing. When a government is unable or unwilling to protect its civilians from these crimes, the responsibility to protect falls upon the international community to encourage and help the state to exercise its responsibility. If the State manifestly fails to protect civilians, the international community can act, first with peaceful measures (using economic, political, diplomatic, and legal tools) and with collective use of force through the UN Security Council under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, only as a last resort.

While the impulse behind Kouchner's suggestion is likely shared by those who first articulated the Responsibility to Protect - and by civil society groups concerned for the welfare of the affected people in Burma - governments agreed only to take action through the Security Council (and on a case-by-case basis) in the cases of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing. Governments did not agree to take forcible action when governments refuse to assist or allow others to assist victims of humanitarian or natural disasters. Britain's UN envoy, John Sawers, clarified on May 8, 2008 the 2005 agreement "relates to acts of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and so forth, rather than government responses to natural disasters" and according to the BCC, Edward Luck, the Secretary General's Special Adviser, has argued that "linking the 'Responsibility to Protect' to the situation in Burma is a misapplication of the doctrine".

Although reports indicate that the regime has failed to protect its populations and is actually obstructing aid, the Responsibility to Protect as adopted in 2005 does not provide for the Security Council to act on the basis of neglect and obstruction. There could be a case that the government's failure to accept assistance will result in massive loss of life and crimes against humanity, but it will be difficult to meaningfully demonstrate "intent" of the government to commit these crimes, especially given reports that the government is now accepting limited and conditional support from the UN and several donor governments.

Second, Kouchner equated the Responsibility to Protect with forced military intervention, which is more likely to close than open doors for cooperation with the authorities in Burma. There is a deep misunderstanding about the Responsibility to Protect in the international community, as many governments misinterpret the emerging norm as a Western or colonialist intervener's charter. China, Russia and many countries in the Non-aligned Movement are fierce opponents of the Responsibility to Protect, and last year vetoed a Security Council resolution on Burma at a time when crimes committed by the regime could have been deemed crimes against humanity. In this political climate, applying the norm in Burma in order to force humanitarian assistance could be perceived as a ploy to bring about regime change. This most likely will not open doors for the delivery of aid, but instead might make the regime more fearful and more paranoid about cooperating with the UN and other countries. Urging military intervention as an application of the Responsibility to Protect is a counterproductive strategy that would not be in the best humanitarian interests of the people directly affected by the cyclone in Burma.

Many humanitarian organizations, including the UN Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, have criticized Kouchner's interpretation of the Responsibility to Protect. The doctrine/norm, in its true application to the four crimes listed above, requires that peaceful means be exhausted prior to any use of force. As United Nations Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator John Holmes said on 7 May 2008, "I'm not sure that invading them would be a very sensible option at this particular moment. I'm not sure it would be helpful to the people we are actually trying to help."

Rather than seeking Security Council action to forcefully intervene, which is likely to exacerbate the problems, urgent efforts should be made bilaterally so that humanitarian relief arrives unhindered.

WFM-Institute for Global Policy's R2PCS Project welcomes the thoughts and reactions of others in addressing this difficult situation.




More ICRtoP Resources on Burma...

The Crisis in Burma


In this section, please find the following topics:
“The struggle for democracy and human rights in Burma is a struggle for life and dignity.” - Aung San Suu Kyi

I. Introduction

Since the
military coup d'état in 1962 that ended democratic rule in Burma, the Burmese people have been subjected to widespread human rights abuses.  In particular, the coup d'état by General Saw Maung following the 1988 uprising, at which point Burma was renamed Myanmar, led to an escalation of abuses, specifically towards political dissidents and ethnic minorities.  Human rights abuses by the military junta, which have intensified to the threshold of Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) concern in recent years, include: the pervasive use of forced labor, forced recruitment of tens of thousands of child soldiers, rampant sexual violence, extrajudicial killings, torture, and the displacement of over one million Burmese people.

Part of this escalation can be attributed to the landslide victory in the 1990 elections by the
National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Aung San Suu Kyi, which exacerbated the military junta’s harsh repression of political opposition. The regime’s intolerance towards diverging political opinions resulted in the detention, abuse and torture of political dissidents– including Suu Kyi herself, who was put under house arrest for the better part of twenty years thereafter – as well as deadly crackdowns on demonstrations and restrictions on freedom of speech and assembly.

Minority ethnic groups such as the
Karen and the Rohingya people have also faced persecution and been subjected to forced labor.  Rape has also been used as a systematic weapon against women of ethnic minorities too, and thousands of villages comprised of minority ethnic groups have been destroyed, many burnt and razed to the ground, and their inhabitants displaced.

The military junta’s neglect of its population, its
unwillingness to cooperate with humanitarian aid groups in the aftermath of Cyclone Nargis in 2008, and its earlier violent crackdown on the 2007 Saffron Revolution, a peaceful demonstration by Buddhist monks and civilians, brought the often overlooked humanitarian crisis in Burma to international attention.  Notably, RtoP was repeatedly invoked in calls for action by UN officials and leading human rights advocates in response to the Burmese military junta’s mistreatment of its population. 
Following the 2010 national elections, it seemed Burma was headed towards a period of positive reform at the political, legal, and social levels.  Yet despite initial progress made by President Thein Sein’s government, continued ethnic clashes have re-elevated international concern and prompted the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect to catalogue the crisis in Burma as one of “imminent risk.”

In August 2007, large peaceful
demonstrations began all over Burma after the junta raised gas and diesel oil prices by 500%. Thousands of Burmese monks, sometimes referred to as the "conscience of the Burmese people,” began a peaceful march for change.  Inspired and emboldened by the commitment of the monks, the masses took to the streets to march for an end to the military government.

On
26 September 2007, the Burmese government cracked down on protestors by banning gatherings of more than five people, imposing dusk to dawn curfews, raiding monasteries, and arresting monks and students involved in the demonstrations.  According to some estimates, between 3,000 and 4,000 citizens were detained in connection with these protests. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), which had ceased to make prison visits in Burma in 2005, was called on by a UN human rights envoy to resume its activities within the country.  However, the ICRC did not return to Burma until 2012, when the Thein Sein government requested it to do so.
Response from the International Community

In September 2006, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) held its first meeting on the situation in Burma, and, in January 2007, it proposed a Resolution calling for the cessation of grave violations of human rights.  However, China and Russia both used their veto to block this resolution, claiming that Burma was not a threat to international peace and security.

Many countries denounced the junta and called for an end to government-perpetrated human rights abuses.  The
United States, France, and the United Kingdom tightened economic sanctions on the regime, while Japan threatened to cut aid to the country.  In addition, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) issued a statement expressing its "revulsion" at the crackdown of the Burmese military on peaceful protesters.

Once in September and twice in October 2007, the UNSC held meetings to discuss the situation in Burma.  At the third meeting, the UNSC produced a
Presidential Statement on the situation, deploring the actions of the military junta against peaceful protesters, and calling for a peaceful solution in Burma.

The United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) also convened a special session on Burma on 2 October 2007, wherein it adopted a
Resolution

calling for an investigation into human rights violations during the demonstrations.  It also urged the release of several political prisoners and detainees, and strongly condemned the use of violence against peaceful protesters.

Response from Civil Society


NGOs also referenced RtoP in the wake of the crimes committed in response to the Revolution in Burma.  In an October 2007
press statement released by the Fédération Internationale des Droits de l'Homme (FIDH), the organization stated that "the Human Rights Council should call upon the UN Security Council, based on its ‘responsibility to protect,’ to take all concrete measures necessary" to ensure the cessation of violence.



On 3 May 2008, the devastating
Cyclone Nargis hit Burma’s Irrawaddy delta region, leaving 1.5 million people "severely affected" and marking the beginning of a major humanitarian crisis throughout the country.  The continuous refusal of Burmese authorities to allow foreign humanitarian aid workers into the country led to intense debates in the international community as to whether the natural disaster in Burma could be considered an RtoP situation. Founders and proponents of the concept, including Gareth Evans, Ramesh Thakur, and Lloyd Axworthy, issued differing messages on the application of RtoP in Burma.  On 9 and 21 May, R2PCS also issued two statements analyzing the debate.

One advocate in particular for the use of RtoP in Burma was then-French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner, who, on 7 May,
stated, "We are seeing at the United Nations whether we can’t implement the Responsibility to Protect, given that food, boats and relief teams are there, and obtain a United Nations' resolution which authorizes the delivery (of aid) and imposes this on the Burmese government."  However, Kouchner's interpretation of RtoP was criticized by then-United Nations Under-Secretary-General and Emergency Relief Coordinator John Holmes who stated, "I'm not sure that invading them would be a very sensible option at this particular moment. I'm not sure it would be helpful to the people we are actually trying to help." Edward Luck, then-Special Adviser to the Secretary General on the Responsibility to Protect, agreed, arguing that "linking the 'responsibility to protect' to the situation in Burma is a misapplication of the doctrine."

In response to Kouchner's position on the use of RtoP in cyclone-struck Burma,
R2PCS, the precursor to ICRtoP, also reflected on how RtoP related to this type of situation.  From the outset, R2PCS refrained from advocating for the use of RtoP with respect to the humanitarian disaster initiated by Cyclone Nargis, because in its view, as Cyclone Nargis was a natural disaster, it did not constitute one of the four crimes to which RtoP is meant to apply.  Although reports indicated that the regime in Burma had failed to protect its populations and was interfering with the provision of aid, the parameters of RtoP, as adopted in the 2005 World Summit Outcome Document, do not provide for the UNSC to act on the basis of neglect and obstruction.

Following the continued obstruction of aid by Burmese authorities, as well as several discussions in the international community on what should be done to address this crisis, R2PCS eventually issued a revised statement regarding the application of RtoP to Burma.  Within the statement, R2PCS explained that if it could be shown that the Burmese government’s actions would lead to crimes against humanity, the international community would then bear the responsibility to prevent the commission of such crimes, first through peaceful means, and then, if unsuccessful, through force. 

In addition, R2PCS emphasized that RtoP is not just about Security Council action, but also about the efforts of other relevant actors like regional and sub-regional organizations.

For additional analysis on the crisis in Burma following Cyclone Nargis, please see:

4 June 2008 News Update
21 May 2008 R2PCS Statement on RtoP and Burma/Myanmar & News Update
13 May 2008 News Update
9 May 2008 R2PCS Message on RtoP and Burma/Myanmar

Response from Civil Society, Post-Cyclone Nargis


In the spring of 2009, an increasing amount of reports and analyses emerged, denouncing Burma’s military junta for its violations of human rights and international humanitarian law.  Some of these analyses include the following:
On 27 January and 26 May 2009, Human Rights Watch released reports on the plight of ethnic minorities, focusing in particular on the Chin people and Rohingya people , respectively.  Amnesty International had also reported earlier, on 5 June 2008, that the junta’s treatment of the Karen people constituted crimes against humanity.

In a May 2009
op-ed article, Jonathan Aitken, Honorary President of the international human rights organization Christian Solidarity Worldwide (CSW), called on the UN to invoke the norm of RtoP to investigate the gross human rights violations committed by the ruling military junta. That same month, over 60 British Members of Parliament signed an Early Day Motion (EDM) and urged the UN to apply RtoP in relation to the Burmese junta’s gross human rights violations and campaign against ethnic minorities.

The US Campaign for Burma also issued calls to stop the commission of mass atrocities by pushing for the UN to
send Burma to the International Criminal Court, or to establish an international criminal tribunal to arrest and prosecute Burma’s military regime.  This statement was issued in May 2009, just as five of the world's leading international jurists from the International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School commissioned a report entitled “Crimes in Burma”.  The Report urged the UNSC to establish a Commission of Inquiry into crimes against humanity and war crimes committed in Burma, and to act on what they described as more than 15 years of condemnation from UN bodies on human rights abuses in Burma.
In January 2010, the head of Burma’s military junta, Senior General Than Shwe, announced that the country would be holding elections in November, Burma’s first national democratic elections in two decades. Leaders from ASEAN called on the ruling junta to ensure that the elections were free, fair, and inclusive. However, in the months preceding the elections, the Burmese government implemented laws that barred all persons with criminal convictions from participating, thus denying Aung San Suu Kyi and other political prisoners the right to announce their candidacy.  To demonstrate its denunciation of such laws, Suu Kyi’s party, the National League for Democracy (NLD), boycotted the elections.  In retaliation, opposition parties including the NLD were dissolved by the junta for not meeting participation deadlines and for protesting the electoral process.
Unsurprisingly, the pro-junta Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) won the elections, gaining 76.5% of all parliamentary seats.  Three ethnic-based parties also won seats in the parliament, proving a small but symbolic victory for Burma’s ethnic minority groups.  However, the subsequent February 2011 appointment of President Thein Sein, who had been the prime minister during the military junta’s rule, elicited concern from the international community regarding the credibility of Burma’s democratic transition.
Since taking power in 2011, President Sein has sought to demonstrate that his leadership role in the military junta, which had previously ruled Burma for decades, would not affect his promise to bring democracy to the country.  As such, he has spoken repeatedly about the need for change in the country, and has successfully implemented certain reforms, initially focusing on political reconciliation with ethnic minority groups.  After being pressured about ongoing human rights abuses, largely in regards to the status of prisoners of conscience, President Sein also authorized the release of approximately 200 political prisoners on 12 October 2011.  Additional reforms focused on the passage of labor union laws, and the legalization of peaceful demonstrations.
In December 2011, the government signed a ceasefire with the Shan State Army-South upon having successfully engaged in “genuine dialogue” on decades-long political disagreements between the two factions.  In January 2012, Sein facilitated the signing of another ceasefire, this time with ethnic Karen rebels, a group which had long sought greater autonomy from the Burmese state.  Following this announcement, the government also released a new wave of political prisoners under a presidential pardon later that week.
Currently, the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) is the only remaining major armed ethnic group that has not signed a peace agreement with the government.  In addition to resolving issues with the KIO, the Burmese government is also reportedly working on a “joint nationwide cease-fire accord,” which it hopes to implement in October 2013.
Burma’s progress continued through the 1 April 2012 by-elections.  Not only did the NLD successfully obtain 43 seats in the national legislature, but after spending nearly two decades under house arrest and being banned from participation in the 2010 national elections, Aung San Suu Kyi was finally elected to parliament.  President Sein stated that he was pleased with the results, and that he would continue to carry out promised reforms in Burma.  Despite Sein’s enthusiasm, however, the Burmese government faced several challenges, including a lack of institutional capacity, economic reform founded on potentially inaccurate data, and an ever-present need to address the establishment of sustainable peace amongst ethnic groups. 
While most ethnic groups have signed ceasefires with the government, long-term national peace initiatives have still not been developed, and the international community has exhibited skepticism amidst encouraging developments in Burma’s progress.  In retrospect, unresolved ethnic tension and incomplete democracy would prove to be a significant precursor to the recent explosion of violence experienced throughout Burma, which greatly threatens current peace and stability.
Given the diverse composition of Burma, which is host to seven major ethnic groups – the Burman, Shan, Rakhine, Chin, Kachin, Mon, and Rohingya – among others, tensions between different factions that have historically contributed to the unrest throughout the country have increased dramatically since the summer of 2012.  Despite the democratic progress promised in the 2010 and 2012 elections, these tensions have remained unresolved, and it is against this backdrop that lethal ethnic violence has resurged.
Rohingya Muslims, the primary target of recent discrimination and state-condoned violence in Burma, live in Rakhine State and have been severely discriminated against for decades.  Beginning with the 1982 Burma Citizenship Law, which accords the Council of State the right to “decide whether any ethnic group is national or not,” the Rohingya have been systematically excluded from Burmese legal recognition.  Rohingya are often referred to as “Bengali,” which reinforces the official stance that Rohingya are originally of Bangladesh, and therefore do not belong in Burma.
In recent years, the plight of the Rohingya has significantly worsened, as radical Buddhist monks have begun calling for a “campaign of exclusion” against Muslims.  This aversion stems from the insidious propaganda promulgated by U Wirathu, a Buddhist monk and the leader of the controversial and polarizing 969 Buddhist National Movement.  Wirathu argues that Muslims have a secret “master plan” to take over the country and Islamicize it, despite the fact that Muslims only constitute five percent of the Burmese population.  Even more tellingly, Wirathu is “[calling] on Buddhists to shop, sell property and marry within their own religion,” in order to preserve Buddhist culture and identity.  Wirathu regularly preaches anti-Muslim hate speech, and considers the Rohingya a “threat to the country and its culture,” a belief predicated on his fear that the Muslim population is increasing more rapidly than the Buddhist nationalist population. 
An additional component of the anti-Muslim agenda is an attempt to draw linkages between the Rohingya and terrorism.  From this perspective, excluding and persecuting the Rohingya can be made justifiable on the grounds of maintaining national security.
Several ethnic clashes that occurred during the summer of 2012 are indicative of the direct effects of this discriminatory rhetoric.  In particular, an 8 June riot by the Rohingya in Maungdaw, located in Rakhine (formerly Arakan) State, resulted in the death of several Arakanese and the gross destruction of property.  This violent episode was allegedly carried out in response to an incident in May 2012, in which an Arakanese woman was raped and killed by three men believed to be Muslim.  A second Rohingya riot occurred on 9 June in Sittwe, which led to the displacement of 100,000 individuals.  The following day, President Sein declared a state of emergency, which effectively transferred power to the Burmese Army and resulted in a wave of violence unleashed by state security forces.  The conflict over the summer subsequently prompted President Sein to tell a representative of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) that Rohingya were not welcome in Burma, and that they should be “placed in refugee camps or deported.”
It is important to note here as well that, while the Rohingya have been subjected to some of the most severe and systematic human rights abuses in Burma, the government’s hostilities against the people of Kachin State have also intensified.  Kachin, which is located in northern Burma, borders the People’s Republic of China.  As such, economic interests on behalf of both the Burmese and Chinese governments have led to several issues in the State.  Beginning in June 2011, when the Burma Army broke a 17-year ceasefire agreement with the KIO [Kachin Independence Organization] by attacking a Kachin Independence Army (KIA) outpost, the military has committed human rights violations including land confiscation, torture, physical and sexual violence, and murder.  As news reports have indicated, much of this antagonism and abuse is due to the existence of a gas pipeline, which bisects Burma and runs directly through Kachin State. The gas from this pipeline is transported and sold to China.  A parallel oil pipeline is also under construction. Not only is daily life in Kachin State disrupted by the government’s desire to profit from this pipeline, but the abuses incurred by the Kachin, as well the resulting loss of land and complete lack of compensation regarding the profits from the transports, has severely impacted this ethnic group’s ability to live in a stable and conflict-free environment.
Violence against the Rohingya in particular has drawn attention from a myriad of international actors.  In response to the 2012 violent clashes, the International Crisis Group asserted that “widespread ethnic violence in Rakhine State, targeting principally the Rohingya Muslim minority, has cast a dark cloud over the reform process.”  Similarly, the Global Centre for RtoP noted in a November 2012 publication that recent sectarian violence had left 89 dead and more than 32,000 displaced, with a majority of victims of violence being Rohingya.
In Sittwe, Rohingya often had no other option than to seek shelter in displacement camps, and other ethnic minorities were also subjected to marginalization.  Later that month, in June 2012, the UN World Food Programme began providing humanitarian assistance to individuals in Rakhine State, while the UNHCR committed to continuing to monitor the situation in Burma from Bangladesh.  In November 2012, Christian Solidarity Worldwide “[called] on the international community to invoke the ‘Responsibility to Protect’ principle, in light of the Burmese Government’s failure to end the conflict in Arakan State, western Burma, between Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims.”
In March 2013, UN Special Rapporteur Tomás Ojea Quintana issued a Report on the human rights situation in Burma, wherein he identified several concerns regarding the treatment of prisoners of conscience, violations of freedom of expression and censorship issues, attacks against civilians in the Kachin and Northern Shan States, and violence targeting Rohingya Muslims in Rakhine State.  In addition, Vijay Nambiar, the Secretary-General’s Special Advisor on Burma, briefed the Security Council in April 2013 and discussed Muslim-targeted violence against the Rohingya, as well as attempts at a renewed ceasefire between the Kachin Independence Organization and the Burma government.  On 19 August 2013, the Secretary-General also released a Report on Burma echoing many of the concerns raised by Quintana, particularly the violence in Kachin State and against the Rohingya.
Since Quintana’s visit and Nambiar’s briefing, the OHCHR has released several statements on human rights abuses in the country too.  Most recently, on 21 August 2013, Quintana expressed concern over “the spread of incitement of hatred against religious minority groups,” and commented on the need to implement previously agreed upon ceasefires and address issues of freedom of movement in Muslim IDP camps, among other issues.
Response to the increasingly hostile crisis in Burma has also come from other international actors and members of civil society.  For instance, in May 2013, the United States renewed targeted sanctions against Burma, though it simultaneously lifted a visa ban to reward “progress” made by the Sein government.  Two months later, the International Committee of the Red Cross announced that it would be “expanding its efforts” to improve prison conditions and help those affected by continuing violence. Anti-Muslim discrimination and the ongoing perpetration of atrocity crimes have also led the Global Centre for R2P to call for President Sein’s government to uphold its Responsibility to Protect. 
The scope and nature of human rights abuses in Burma have led some to conclude that these systematic violations constitute ethnic cleansing.  Similarly, as the Sentinel Project for Genocide Prevention stated in its September 2013 Burma Risk Assessment, “following extensive research, [we] have concluded that the risk of genocide and related mass atrocities in Burma is extremely high.”  This claim is substantiated by the ongoing organized violence, instatement of a two-child limit on Rohingya reproduction, ban on interfaith marriages, and a myriad of additional evidence indicative of a governmental policy of discrimination against the Rohingya.


Special thanks to Michelle Rae Eberhard for her work in updating this page. 

 

Yunnan taste!

What Alibaba’s Jack Ma Learned from Forrest Gump!

$
0
0
By Mark Stone, Contributor  ~ September 19,2107

For Alibaba founder and executive chairman Jack Ma, the only sign of failure is giving up. As the richest person in China, one might assume Ma’s life has consisted of a series of successes and celebrations. In fact, the Chinese business magnate, whose net worth is estimated at $37.6 billion USD (at the time of this article), is no stranger to monumental failure. 

As a young adult, Ma failed the Chinese entrance exams for college three times before he passed. Once applications were sent, he was turned down by Harvard—ten times. 

Upon graduating from university, Ma was one of 24 applicants who applied to the newly- arrived KFC in China. Twenty-three of those applicants were accepted, leaving Ma the sole reject. Shortly following, he applied to the police where he was again the only one turned away. 

As it turns out, Ma racked up more failures in his early years than his favorite film, the 1994 Oscar-winner, “Forrest Gump,” did accolades. The question was, would he, like Forrest, find his stride and take off?

A Not-So Lucrative Box of Chocolates

Embracing rejection is part of Ma’s core ethos, however, his grit has not come without moments of insecurity and self-doubt from setback. When the dot com bubble burst at the end of the 1990s, Alibaba, now the world’s largest e-commerce company, had zero revenue to show for its first three years. Not only was it not profitable, it was on the verge of bankruptcy

It was around this time, after watching “Forrest Gump,” that Ma had an epiphany. “When I [saw] him, I [said], ‘This is the guy we should learn from.’ Believe what you’re doing. Love it, whether people like it, don’t like it. Be simple,” he told Charlie Rose during the Gateway business conference in Detroit in 2017. To grow the company, Ma would need to learn from his failures and get creative.

A Prototype for Persistence

Since banks were unwilling to work with Ma, one of Alibaba’s greatest roadblocks was figuring out how to secure its online payments. In the absence of institutional support, Ma built his own payment system, transfering payments in various currencies to buyers and sellers of different countries, and named it Alipay.
“So many people I talked to at that time about Alipay, they said, ‘This is the stupidest idea you’ve ever had,'” he told Rose in an earlier interview. “I didn’t care if it was stupid as long as people could use it.”
Today, 520 million people use Alipay, and Alibaba is the world’s largest internet marketplace with over 700 million users. Ma estimates his business has created 15 million jobs in China on top of the 30,000 people it formally employs.

More Than His Job 


While Ma’s hard work has undoubtedly gotten Alibaba to where it is in 2017, he attributes something else to his global success. In order to sustain perseverance in the face of failure, Ma subscribes to a healthy work-life balance, whereby he enjoys the challenge of business, but doesn’t let himself get consumed in it. Life is, after all, unpredictable.
“I always tell myself that we are born here not to work, but to enjoy life,” he said early on in his success. “We are here to make things better for one another, and not to work. If you are spending your whole life working, you will certainly regret it.” 

It may not apply to everyone, but Ma’s formula of balance, persistence, and fortitude in the face of obstacles certainly mimics the another character whose story has become an emblem of Western culture.

“Life is like a box of chocolates,” Ma reminded Charlie Rose at the World Economic Forum in 2015. “You never know what you you’re gonna get.”



Alibaba’s Jack Ma says African entrepreneurs should learn from failure not success!

$
0
0
 Delivering inspiration. (AP Photo/Ben Curtis)
On his first trip to Africa, Jack Ma, the founder of Chinese e-commerce company Alibaba, spoke in Nairobi on Thursday (July 20) about the value of constant learning, the power of the internet, and how the combination of the two can be utilized to solve the day-to-day challenges facing the continent. Ma also spoke about the process of failure, and how that can be a catalyst for innovation and progress.
“You have to get used to failure. If you can’t, then how can you win,” he said, while delivering a public lecture at the University of Nairobi.

JACK MA’S TIPS – HOW TO GROW A SMALL BUSINESS (Jack Ma 2017)

Ma, who is special adviser for youth entrepreneurship and small businesses to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), is on a two-day trip to Kenya and Rwanda to share insights with African entrepreneurs. The reception of his trip has been almost fawning in a way that Mark Zuckerberg’s surprise visit last September was not. Floor-to-ceiling posters and billboards featuring his face decorated various venues where he has been speaking in Nairobi. Ma, who also met president Uhuru Kenyatta, was accompanied by a delegation of Chinese billionaires, investors, and real estate tycoons.
From an underdog to one of the richest men in the world, Ma’s story is one that resonates in Kenya. Ma applied for 30 jobs, including at KFC when it opened in his home city of Hangzhou. He was rejected from all of them. Unlike Zuckerberg who created Facebook from his Harvard dorm room, Ma struggled to go to college—he failed the entrance exam three times, and started Alibaba from his apartment.
“I think more people identify with him,” says Sam Gichuru of the Nailab, a Kenyan startup incubator, which Ma visited today.
Ma’s visit coincides with China’s growing influence in Africa, with foreign direct investment from China to Africa growing with a 106% rise in projects last year. Speaking at a panel with the head of the private sector alliance, Ma said that they were scouting for investment opportunities and was looking for partners interested in building logistics centers and those interested in supporting entrepreneurs. In Kenya, a Chinese firm recently completed a new railway connecting Nairobi to the country’s port city of Mombasa. Eventually it will reach Uganda, Rwanda, and the Democratic Republic of Congo.
“We want to make sure that everywhere we go we can build companies for the locals not for us,” Ma said.

MYANMAR CAD (Behaves Badly Habit)

$
0
0


Burmese people are poor majority of good-intentioned but why?

The majority (TEAM WORK) is low, the drill ... and easier to divide the sidelines. There are a lot of envy, It just will not want to one another, I'm jealous, He praised those who do not like it, Just wanted praised the same one, Slytherin could not duplicate.

Not really. I do not actively try such a scenario, and want to shirk, There are a lot of waste of money if you buy, if you think, I just use straight straight, if you want to buy to buy.

Economy have to do, is not afraid ... do not expect long-term interests. Are you sure you regularly want metal, more staff, more money Philosophy, the less innovative, can not consume the traditional philosophy.

I have helped too long ... So you go across, to the changing times require less education, less knowledge to learn, interested, critical, less action, strong and practically

Suggested's good. Poor management process, like Baird unfairly .., He also failed to fail to have a view onto their lost, bored, failed Kan desperately.

Just one unparalleled experience and a lot of things without reading the review ... .. Funny outlook arbitrary elastic desperately, The prayer of the church comes from the opportunity to get more than the study could not be made public.

A normal life, I'm very happy Is interested in more than just about story, There are a lot of waste of time banging.

Worse, less the idea to increase the money ... money is clenched tightly instill one, money is not familiar with the benefits of life coaching.

Get famous. I'm not interested to know that are not used to သိသလို money.

Scholars want to share your wisdom ... I do not want to cultivate emerging.

"These poor things ..."

"Well ... if you ....



Should be mostly changes around Burmese are behaves badly habit and not with the people in the neighbouring compare here!


The moral and conduct skills can not compete with the vast majority did not know when the construction of the current labor wages did what and why entrepreneurs like me.

Yesterday friends around the country import and export company, Japan opened schools at met him.

I asking to him, he view on the my country and Burmese option. Whip fact, many Burmese are easy to believe, The right hand, forgiving ways.

If the complicated foreign guests were even more forgiving, They act Impressive, They too, Honest attitude .This is a good spot ! There , the plot good job working at the difficulties we are facing.

Burma's degree, but we've had no job skills here!

Employment experts say you should not make yourself known, you can arrange the work yourself Schools, not to you, You can do common joint teams formed, All the fun event, and have almost nothing to do honest work Do not collaborate with each other in the workplace, Under the above problems forced me just see what I thought, above, below, would often find time, He said, seen so many quit 100 b y 80% work in the workplace.
The country graduates is very high too, And then nothing, Save yourself makers, Any kind of speak time.

His school teacher, albeit on teachers' salary is no longer responsible for their days work, You can not easily tell. Saying that the value of the work is not easy to quit too.

Making an easy task inning, they were surprised, The job's quite a long-term space by resetting Money alone is not quit shitty business, The work is much appreciated.

* Personal work in the workplace, Lovers and the phone says, Unnecessarily long friends and say, Works as nonsensical words at each other, I do not know a shame.

* If this job, He was very surprised, Even after business hours on business as well as work-related,   but less obvious, a report, Know from work, friends, girlfriend Even through other work, a job, and does not cover Very Important benheywood.

* Cleaning graduate work I can not work any tent said. Schools do cleaning, Tents to clean the place yourself, did not you think His comment I was the man behind the toilet to keep clean, do not make sense Managers are cleaning toilets in Japan, I turned to the use, Reserved for big cleaning jobs.

* He went just tell us where you Buddhist public, If you remove the thorns trash button You just had to be justified in a ...

*** Another salary ***
My work situation and want more than they should be. How to do the job, They would also mastered the work-week, This job is better earning salary and try to make the first priority minds. The other is to pay a little more to hear their work and skill than a week could kill. At a sooner than wages in China, is not nobody here.

The teacher then go to see want to ride too. Craft ride boss told the teacher can work if selected wrong Annoyed with no land to be used for the work the next day, I, Did the end of 5 days, four times for a tent The teacher, a school that fits inside Why, why do not mind studying the investigation. About 30 employees work Xi, Difficulties found in about 4 years since he lost.

It's good to stay in Japan than in the country, The era of the law are unable to follow the defined open control very happy.

If you work are difficult to sustain, Working Burmese people appreciate the work I'm attached to the job duties and salary, but always see attached Beam It is not only to salaries, work The experts at work, Senior became a happy note.

MYANMAR CUSTOMS AND HABITS!

 

According to the Myanmar tradition, a person has no family name. A woman has her own name and retains it even after marriage. A child is normally named according to the day of the week he(or she) was born, whereby each day of the week is denoted by certain letters of the Myanmar alphabet. For example, Monday is denoted by the names Kyaw,Khin, Kyin, etc;Thuesday by San, Su, Nyi, etc, Another way to name a child is based on his (or her) date of birth.

The Name
According to the Myanmar tradition, a person has no family name. A woman has her own name and retains it even after marriage. A child is normally named according to the day of the week he(or she) was born, whereby each day of the week is denoted by certain letters of the Myanmar alphabet. For example, Monday is denoted by the names Kyaw,Khin, Kyin, etc;Thuesday by San, Su, Nyi, etc, Another way to name a child is based on his (or her) date of birth.

A person is usually addressed according to his age. For older people, their names are pre-fixed with U(pronouced Oo) and Daw and are the equivalents of Mr and Ms respectively. A young adult is addressed by the Honorifics Ko (for males) and Ma (for females). A child is referred to as Maung and Ma for males and females respectively. Example: Khin Myat, a departmental manager, could be addressed as U Khin Myat by his colleagues but as Ko Khin Myat or Maung Khin Myat by monks and elders.Maha Thray Sithu, Sithu, Thiri Pyan Chi, Wunna Kyaw Htin, and Naing-ngat Gon-yi titles are civil awards conferred on individuals normally government servants for distinguished service.

The Ceremonies
Births, engagements, and marriages are considered to be auspicious occasions or tha ye while sickness and death fall into nga ye or sad occasions. When a woman has given birth, it is usual for her friends and colleagues to give gifts such as feeding bottles and clothes. Gifts should never be given before the baby's birth as some women are superstitious that this will bring misfortune to the baby. When the baby is 100 days old, a name-giving ceremony is usually held. Monks will be invited to chant prayers and bless the baby and in turn meals will be offered to all participants.

Some couples who are getting engaged may throw a party for their families and friends .Guests of honour at such parties are couples who have long and happy marriages. On such an occasion, the male guest of honour will give a speech to extol the virtues of the bride-to-be on behalf of the bridegroom's parents. If you are invited to an engagement party, you may or may not bring any gift.

Couples in Myanmar are married by registering at the registrar of marriages or by going through a ceremony conducted by a respectable couple at a grand hotel or by sheer mutual consent with no ceremony at all.

Suitable wedding gifts depend on the couple's station life. If they are young and are not financially stable, a cash gift in multiple of hundred (to symbolise a long life) is suitable. Otherwise, functional items such as crockery, electrical appliances, and pieces of cloth make excellent gifts, Gifts that are taboo include scissors, knives and anything black in color. Among office colleagues, a collection will normally be made to buy a gift for the couple or give the cash collection outright.

When a person is seriously ill, his or her relatives and friends are normally informed. Once informed, the friend or relative has an obligation to visit the sick person. Normally, gifts on such occasions would be fresh fruits or canned cereals. Many old traditional Myanmar are reluctant to be admitted into hospitals. However, with improvements in medical science, this attitude is changing. When a person dies at home, the body is bathed and dressed in the person's best clothes. A monk will be invited to chant prayers. The funeral will usually take place three or five days after the day of death. During the interim period, a wake will be held. During the wake, members of the deceased' family keep vigil during the nights. Visitors who come to pay their last respects to the deceased are often served tea and black melon seeds. If a person dies in a hospital or elsewhere, the corpse id usually placed in a morgue. However, the wake will still be held at the home of the deceased.

Burial is still common in Myanmar but cremation is also performed. The recitation is also performed. The recitation of prayers by monks is part and parcel of a funeral. If one is informed of the death of the death of a friend, it is necessary to send a letter, or telegram if one is unable to visit the deceased's family or attend the funeral. Failure to do this is insulting to the deceased's family. Donations are usually given if the deceased's family is financially backward. When you are attending a funeral, do not wear bright e celebrate this festival to rejoice in a good harvest. Also celebrate in January is the Equestrian Festival which dates back to ancient times.

Falling in April, the Water Festival (or Thingyan) is celebrated for three days to usher in the Myanmar New Year. In the cities and towns, makeshift pavilions with stages for singing and dancing are erected, and barrels are filled with water. Young people dance and sing on the stages and throw water on all and sundry. It is believed that being drenched with Thingyan water washes away one's sin and bad luck. Decorative floats may also take part in processions.

The Kasone Festival usually falls in May. It was on the full-moon day of the Myanmar month of Kasone that Buddha was born, attained Enlightenment and passed away . As Buddha had attained Enlightenment while meditating under a Bodhi tree, the grounds of pagodas and monasteries are planted with many of such trees. On this day, people carry earthenware pots filled with water and water the Bodhi trees. Processions are also held in temple grounds.

The Waso Robe-Offering is performed to commemorate Buddha's first sermon, and falls on the full moon day in June or July. The day also marks the beginning of the Buddhist Lent. At pagodas, monks are offered free meals and a robe-giving ceremony is performed with pomp and pageantry by disciples.

On the full-moon day of Thadingyut (usually in October), the Festival of Lights is celebrated to mark the descent of Buddha from Tavadinsa or the abode of devas. Arounf this day, pagodas, buildings, public parks and houses are decorated with strings of electric bulns, oil lanterns, or candles, and young people pay respect to their elders by offering them gifts of fruits, cakes or pieces of textiles.

In the Myanmar month of Tazaungmone which corresponds to either October or November, the Kahtein Robe-Offering is performed. This occasion is similar to the Waso Robe-Offering, Also celebrated in Tazaungmone is Tazaungdaing, a second Festival of Lights. At many pagodas through the country, all- night robe-weaving contests are held. The finished robes , which must be completed before daylight, are offered to Buddha images in the pagodas.Christmas is celebrated by those who have accepted the Christian creed with carol singing, parties, and midnight masses, just like in other parts of the world.

The Religious Beliefs
Most Myanmar are Buddhist of the Theravada stream. Central to their religious beliefs is karma, the concept that good begets good and evil begets evils. Another belief is tat all living things go through reincarnation. If a person has committed sins, (he or she) will be reincarnated into a lower level being such as an animal or suffer in Hell; on the other hand, if he has done good deeds, he will be elevated to a higher level of existence to the world of devas. The ultimate aim in life according to Buddhist belief is to escape the cycle of rebirth and reach Nirvana.
Meritorious deeds that will help a person to achieve Nirvana include giving donations ( especially to monks) and abiding by the Five Precepts and practising Bavana (meditation).The Five Precepts are exhortation not to kill, steal, lie, drink alcohol, and commit adultery. The Five Precepts are codes of conduct for laypeople. There are also Eight, Nine and Ten precepts, meant to be practised by more serious lay devotees. The Jemghas or monks have to abide by the 227 rules of conduct or vinayas.

Yangon City 2017 , Myanmar

These motiondesigns are hypnotic 😵

You've never heard of the Millennium Falcon? Music by Joakim Karud

$
0
0
You've never heard of the Millennium Falcon? Music by Joakim Karud
Viewing all 952 articles
Browse latest View live